Our modern-day religious environment has been heavily influenced by Martin Luther’s abbreviated gospel of sola fide (“faith alone”) and the Calvinistic tenets of Reformed Theology, creating a hermeneutical framework through which Romans and Galatians are widely interpreted.1 These letters have been exploited over the centuries and forced to address questions they were not designed to answer. But if we examine the texts through first-century (pre-denominational) lenses, and seek to comprehend what the inspired author intended to communicate to his original targeted audiences and how they would have understood the message in light of their particular circumstances, we will be better equipped to avoid anachronistic misconceptions and to make legitimate present-day application.
The Setting of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians
Paul knew these disciples personally, having spent approximately six years in Southern Galatia with Barnabas (ca. 44-50), teaching the gospel, making disciples, and establishing churches in the cities of Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe (Acts 13–14).2 Not long thereafter Paul returned to the region with Silas to follow up on and encourage these brethren (Acts 15:36–16:6), revisiting them yet again about three years later on his way back to Ephesus (Acts 18:23). The Lord’s work in this area, challenged by unreceptive, resistant, and antagonistic Jews,3 was most successful among Gentiles.4 When Paul wrote his letter to the Galatian churches, he was clearly dismayed and frustrated with them for so readily embracing a perverted gospel propagated by intruding Judaizing teachers (Gal. 1:6-7; 3:1).5
The Setting of Paul’s Letter to the Romans
At the end of his third missionary campaign, after having sent his letter to the Galatians and before heading to Jerusalem with a collection of funds for needy saints of Judea, Paul spent the three winter months of 56-57 in Corinth (Acts 20:2-3; cf. 1 Cor. 4:18-19; 16:2-7). During this time, while hosted in the home of Gaius, he and a scribe named Tertius penned the letter to the saints at Rome (Rom. 1:1; 16:22-23). The Lord’s church was already established in the imperial city, comprised of multiple house churches with members of both Jewish and non-Jewish backgrounds.6
Although Paul had never been to Rome, he had strongly desired for many years to visit these Christians (Rom. 1:10-15; 15:22-32), including several with whom he had formed relationships during his extensive missionary endeavors (cf. Rom. 16:3-15). Having invested nearly a quarter of a century spreading the gospel east of Rome in the regions of Syria, Arabia,7 Judea, Cilicia, Cyprus, Galatia, Macedonia, Achaia, Asia, and Illyricum (Acts 9:19–20:3; Rom. 15:19; Gal. 1:17–2:11), leaving behind self-sustaining congregations of the Lord’s church under capable leadership, the missionary-apostle was now setting his sights on unreached territories as far west as Spain (Rom. 15:20-28).
Just as Syrian Antioch had been his base of operations in the east,8 he hoped that Rome could serve in this capacity in the west (Rom. 15:24, 30-33). In addition to securing their support, Paul felt the need to address and try to resolve apparent discord among brethren at different levels of understanding, faith, and conviction (Rom. 14:1–15:13). Moreover, in view of his ongoing conflicts with Judaizers and their destructive influence potentially preceding him to Rome (cf. Rom. 3:8; 4:9-12; 16:17-18),9 Paul also made sure to affirm and defend his authority as a divinely-appointed apostle and the integrity of the gospel message he preached (Rom. 1:1-17; 2:16; 11:13; 15:16-29; 16:25).
The categorical partitioning of the Roman disciples into ethnic “Jews” and “Gentiles,” as is common among many commentators, is unrealistic and overly simplistic. The more likely scenario is a collectivity of multiethnic believers that included Jewish brethren clinging to old traditions and regarded as “ultra-conservative” or even “legalistic,”10 other Jewish Christians distancing themselves from their former ways of Judaism and regarded as “progressive” or even “liberal,”11 non-Jewish disciples leaning in both directions,12 and more moderate brethren, like Prisca and Aquila, who were Jewish Christians already in line with Paul’s teaching and on good terms with Gentile brethren (Rom. 16:4).13
--Kevin L. Moore
Endnotes:
1 For example, the so-called “Romans Road to Salvation,” popular in a number of denominational tracts and webpages, cherry-picks selected verses from Romans to create a seemingly biblical case for belief-only salvation, but in so doing context is ignored and the multiple allusions to obedience, incl. baptism, are curiously omitted (cf., e.g., Rom. 1:5; 2:8; 6:1-18; 10:16; 16:19, 26).
2 See K. L. Moore, A Critical Introduction to the NT 130-37, 242-45.
3 Acts 13:45-46, 50-51; 14:2, 4-6, 19.
4 Acts 13:42-49, 52; 14:27; 15:3, 12; Gal. 2:2-5; 4:8; 5:2; 6:12. Nevertheless, there appears to have been some receptive Jews as well (Acts 13:43; 14:1; 16:1).
5 Judaizers were Jewish converts to Christianity who held on to tenets of the Jewish religion and tried to bind them on non-Jewish Christians as conditions of salvation and fellowship (cf. Acts 15:1-5, 24; 2 Cor. 10–13; Gal. 1:7; 2:4-5, 11-16; 3:1; 4:17; 5:7-12; 6:12-13; Phil. 3:1-11).
6 Cf. Rom. 16:5, 14, 15. Note the alternating focus on Gentile Christians (1:5-6, 13; 11:13-24; 15:14-21) and Jewish Christians (2:17; 6:14-15; 7:4; 16:3, 7, 11).
7 See K. L. Moore, “What did Paul do in Arabia?” Moore Perspective (22 June 2016), <Link>.
8 Acts 13:1-3; 14:26; 15:30-35, 40; 18:22-23; cf. 11:25-30; 15:2-3.
9 By early 50 Judaizers from Judea had caused problems in Syria and Cilicia (Acts 15:1-5, 23), then moved west through Galatia (Acts 16:4; Gal. 1:6); by late 56 they had generated strife as far west as Achaia (2 Cor. 10–13), and by the early 60s were a potential threat in Macedonia (Phil. 3:1-11). Before heading to Rome, on his way eastward to the center of Judaism and Jewish Christianity, Paul was ready for arrest and even martyrdom for his faith and mission (Acts 20:24; 21:13) but also requested the prayers of the Roman brethren for deliverance (Rom. 15:30-33).
10 Early Christians in and/or from Judea would fit into this category (cf. Acts 11:1-3; 21:17-26). The Judaizers would be an extreme version of this.
11 They would be comparable to the recipients of the epistle of James, antinomian-libertarian Jewish believers lax in observable demonstrations of faith (cf. Jas. 1:22–2:26). “Every truth has its perversion, and the doctrine of salvation by faith may easily have degenerated into the acceptance of a creed without a corresponding holiness of life. James does not deny the necessity of faith. He insists that faith must produce results” (M. C. Tenney, NT Survey [Rev.] 266-67).
12 These would be indicative of the respective audiences of Galatians and 1 Corinthians.
13 The saints at Philippi would also fit into this category. Paul’s correspondence to them is the most personal of any of his letters addressed to a Christian community but also includes pleas for unity in the midst of potential discord (Phil. 1:27; 2:1-18; 3:15-17; 4:1-3), with warnings of outside opposition and exhortations to faithfulness (1:28-30; 3:2-7, 18-19; 4:4-9).
Related Posts: Studying Romans & Galatians Part 2
Image credit: https://cappsroad.org/writings
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