The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 9): The Kiss Greeting and Feet Washing

Kiss Greeting

“Greet one another with a sacred kiss” (Rom. 16:16b; see also 1 Cor. 16:20; 2 Cor. 13:12; 1 Thess. 5:26; 1 Pet. 5:14).¹  Ignoring the cultural setting of this oft-repeated biblical directive might lead some to conclude that all Christians today ought to be kissing each other. However, the kiss-greeting was the conventional form of social interaction in ancient Mediterranean cultures (see Gen. 27:26; 29:13; 2 Sam. 20:9; Matt. 26:49; Acts 20:37). Rather than initiating a new form of greeting to be bound on the churches, Paul and Peter were simply regulating the customary greeting that was already practiced by their original audiences. In other words, when greeting one another in the customary way, readers are reminded to ensure these intimate exchanges are kept “holy” or “sacred” and in “love,” i.e., sincere and with moral integrity (cp. Matt. 26:48-49; 1 Cor. 6:18; 1 Thess. 4:1-8). In whatever ways Christians ordinarily greet one another in any historical-cultural environment, the underlying principle is the same.

 

Feet washing

In John 13:14 Jesus is recorded as saying, “If I, therefore, the Lord and the Teacher have washed your feet, you also ought to wash one another’s feet.” Failing to consider the sociocultural context of this passage has led a number of interpreters to regard the directive as a religious rite or church ordinance. Contextually, however, the Lord is not speaking to the church but to his twelve apostles whose feet he had just washed. They had been bickering over which of them should be considered the greatest (Luke 22:14-24), so Jesus teaches humility and servitude by washing their feet (John 13:3-17). 

In ancient Mediterranean cultures where sandals were worn and travel was mostly by foot on dusty roads, visitors entering a home could expect water and towels to be provided for washing dirty feet. It was a customary act of hospitality (see Gen. 18:4; 19:2; 24:32; 43:24; 1 Sam. 25:41; Luke 7:44; 1 Tim. 5:10). Sometimes the host himself would do the washing, but typically this was the job of a house slave. What Jesus teaches on this occasion to his prideful, selfish apostles, employing an object lesson that was practical and familiar at the time, is humbleness and service, not a specific, permanently binding religious ritual. The underlying principle rather than the explicit act remains relevant in all historical-cultural settings.²  

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Scripture quotations are the author’s own translation.
     ² This is different from the Lord’s Supper, for example, the particulars of which have much broader applicability (cf. Matt. 26:29; Acts 2:42; 20:7; 1 Cor. 11:23-26).

Related Posts: Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 7: Hospitality

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 8): Public Reading

From earliest times the Jews gave attention to the public reading of God’s word (Exod. 24:1-7; Josh. 8:30-35; 2 Kings 22:8-13; 23:1-3; Neh. 8:1-9, 18; 9:3; 13:1). In fact, Hebrew narrative, which comprises more than 40% of the Hebrew Bible, was “designed primarily for hearers, not readers.... these texts were composed altogether with the hearer in view and thus contain structural features designed to make the narrative more memorable.”¹  In the 1st century AD public reading was a regular part of the synagogue gatherings, where both the Law and the Prophets were read aloud (Acts 13:15, 27; 15:21). Jesus customarily attended synagogue meetings and participated in the communal reading and exposition of the sacred writings (Luke 4:16-22).²

The prevalence of illiteracy in the 1st-century Mediterranean world made public reading indispensable.³ Speaking to the educated elite, Jesus could ask, “Have you not read?” (Matt. 12:3, 5; 19:4; 21:16, 42; 22:31; Luke 10:26), while in addressing the common masses it was more appropriate to say, “You have heard that it was said” (Matt. 5:21, 27, 33, 38, 43; cf. 7:24, 26; 13:19-23), albeit with reference to oral instruction. James charges his audience to be doers of the implanted word and not just “hearers” [akroataí] (Jas. 1:21-25; cf. Rom. 2:13). The apostle John pronounces a blessing on “the one reading and those hearing the words of the prophecy ...” (Rev. 1:3a).⁴

Paul commends the holy scriptures to Timothy, charging him to “preach the word” (2 Tim. 3:16–4:2) and “to give attention to the public reading [anágnōsis]” (1 Tim. 4:13; cf. Acts 13:15; 2 Cor. 3:14). At the time, in addition to the Old Testament, the writings of Luke were already regarded as “scripture” (1 Tim. 5:18), and within a comparable timeframe so were Paul’s (2 Pet. 3:15-16) [see What the Scriptures Say]. In the earliest extant Pauline document, the directive is given: “I solemnly charge you [in] the Lord, [that] this letter be read to all the brethren” (1 Thess. 5:27). Seeing that the Thessalonian correspondence would naturally have been read publicly when the Thessalonica church assembled together, the exhortation potentially includes the nearby brethren in Berea and Philippi and beyond (cf. 1:7-8; 4:10). Paul intended for his writings to be circulated rather than kept isolated in their respective localities: “and when this letter shall be read in your presence, have it also read among the church of [the] Laodiceans, and that also you may read the [one] from Laodicea” (Col. 4:16) [see Paul's Missing Letters].

By the mid-2nd century Justin Martyr writes from Rome, “And on the day called Sunday, all who live in cities or in the country gather together to one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits …”⁵ E. Ferguson remarks,“The Gospels and Prophets may have been a Christian counterpart to the Jewish readings from the Law and the Prophets…. the reading may have been continuous from Sunday to Sunday, taking up where the reading left off the last week, but not of a predetermined length. The indication is that the readings were rather lengthy ...”⁶

P. F. Esler provides helpful insights into examining the New Testament writings as they were originally designed. He reminds us that the author of each inspired document has communicated with the aim of informing and motivating a particular group of Christ-followers, most of whom potentially were illiterate. Since the text would have been read aloud when the church gathered, the message was conveyed orally and received aurally. It is therefore appropriate to consider the 27 New Testament documents as nonliterary in character, “as scripts for oral performance delivered within a setting of face-to-face dialogue …”⁷ 

Conversely, when modern readers in literary cultures interact with the written text, the tendency is to read and examine each word but fail to hear the words collectively as interpersonal discourse. “The omnipresence of printed text in our lives as a result of Gutenberg’s fifteenth-century invention of the printing press represents quite an obstacle to our understanding and benefiting from these communications in a manner that accords with their original and oral and interpersonal nature.”⁸ Esler challenges us to pay attention to the biblical author’s “communicative intentions” and listen to the New Testament “in a way that does justice to its oral and interpersonal origins.”⁹

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ G. D. Fee and D. Stuart, How to Read the Bible for All Its Worth 93-103 (emp. in the text). 
     ² Cf. Matt. 4:23; 9:35; Mark 1:39, 21; Luke 4:44; 13:10; John 6:59; 18:20; etc. Unless noted otherwise, scripture quotations are the author’s own translation.

     ³ It has been estimated that in the world of the Roman Empire, only about 10 and at most 20 percent of the entire population could read, and in the western part of the Empire no higher than 5 to 10 percent (W. V. Harris, Ancient Literacy 130-45). Considering the diversity of the multi-cultural and multi-lingual contexts in which early Christianity developed and spread, it is difficult to determine the educational and literacy levels within these Christian communities (H. Gamble, Books and Readers 3).

     ⁴ At times a note may be inserted in the written text for the public reader (Matt. 24:15; Mark 13:14). C. Bryan says this “is probably to be understood as a stage direction to ‘the one who reads aloud (that is, to the assembly).’ If so, then in performance these words should be omitted, on the principle that one does not recite stage directions, one carries them out” (Preface to Mark 111 n. 9). Others, however, see this as applicable to the reader of Daniel (R. T. France, Gospel According to Matthew TNTC 340; R. H. Gundry, Matthew: A Commentary 481).

     ⁵ A. Roberts and J. Donaldson, eds., Ante-Nicene Fathers, “The First Apology of Justin” 1:186.

     ⁶ E. Ferguson, “Justin Martyr and the Liturgy,” RQ 36 [1994]: 271-72.

     ⁷ P. F. Esler, NT Theology: Communion and Community 8-9. See also K. L. Moore, The Study of Ancient Rhetoric.

     ⁸ P. F. Esler, op cit. It is helpful to note that “the difference between oral and written material was less distinct in antiquity” (E. R. Richards, “Reading, Writing, and Manuscripts,” in The World of the NT [eds. J. B. Green and L. M. McDonald] 349).

     ⁹ P. F. Esler, op cit., 88-118, 148-70.

Related Posts: Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 6: House Churches

Related Articles: Jovan Payes, Public Reading of Scripture

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 7): Hospitality

Due to the scarceness and poor conditions of public lodging in antiquity, providing visitors with food and shelter was a virtual necessity. Hospitality (Greek philoxenía = phílos [friend] + xénos [stranger]) under one’s own roof was deeply rooted in ancient society, highly valued, and even viewed as an obligation. The large number of itinerant evangelists and other Christian travelers made this particularly relevant to the early church. NT writers consistently remind their readers of this duty (e.g., 1 Tim. 5:10; Heb. 13:2; 1 Pet. 4:9; 3 John 5-8), according to “standards much more widely recognized and lauded” (J. D. G. Dunn, Theology of Paul 677). Nevertheless, the prospect of receiving and serving Christ himself (Matt. 10:40; 25:31-45) was of far greater significance than the secular ideas of reciprocity or honor and shame (see Part 2).

Exhorting the believers at Rome, Paul writes, “sharing [continually] the needs of the saints, pursuing [continually] hospitality” (Rom. 12:13).¹ From a Christian perspective the apostle is reminding his readers, “Even under persecution one should not allow himself to be so preoccupied with his own troubles that he becomes insensitive to the needs of others…. To share with others is never more meaningful than when one is hard pressed to find a sufficient supply for himself” (E. F. Harrison, “Romans,” EBC 10:133). Paul is calling upon his readers to “put into practice the love and concern for one another that he has mentioned earlier (v. 10)…. to have fellowship with, to participate in, the ‘needs’ of the saints. These ‘needs’ are material ones: food, clothing, and shelter… sharing of our material goods …. to go out of our way to welcome and provide for travelers” (D. J. Moo, Romans 779-80). See also Acts 2:44-45; 4:35; 6:3; 20:34; 28:10; Eph. 4:28; Phil. 2:25; 4:16; Tit. 3:14; 1 John 3:17; Rev. 3:17.

Letters of recommendation helped open doors of hospitality for traveling Christians (Rom. 16:1-2; 1 Cor. 16:10-12; cf. Phil. 2:25-30; Col. 4:7-9; Eph. 6:21-22). “There are hints in the Pauline letters and elsewhere in the New Testament that ordinary Christians traveling to another city could already expect to find accommodation with ‘brothers,’ very likely following a custom established among diaspora Jews. Thus hospitality is already among the virtues of the Christian common life stressed in the traditional admonitions Paul includes in his letter to the Romans (12:13)” (W. A. Meeks, First Urban Christians 109, 230 n. 169). E. A. Judge comments further, “Security and hospitality when traveling had traditionally been the privilege of the powerful, who had relied upon a network of patronage and friendship, created by wealth. The letters of recommendation disclose the fact that these domestic advantages were now extended to the whole household of faith, who are accepted on trust, though complete strangers” (The Conversion of Rome 7). 

Jesus and his immediate disciples were able to devote full attention to spiritual service because of the benevolent assistance of others (Matt. 10:9-14; 26:17-19; Mark 9:28, 33; Luke 8:3; 10:4-8; 19:5; 24:28-29; Acts 1:13). While financial contributions were still necessary (1 Cor. 9:4-14; 2 Cor. 11:7-9), there were many other ways God’s servants could be supported (cf. Rom. 12:4-13; Gal. 6:16). Paul clearly relied on the hospitality and provision of his fellow-Christians (Acts 9:19; 16:15, 34; 18:1-3; 20:11; 21:4, 7-10, 16-17; 28:13-14; 24:23; Rom. 15:24; 16:2, 23; 1 Cor. 16:6; Gal. 1:18; Philem. 22; 2 Tim. 1:16-18; cf. 2 Tim. 4:13). Leadership in the church was also predicated upon being hospitable (1 Tim. 3:2; Titus 1:8).2

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Scripture quotations are the author’s own translation.

     ² On the negative side, see Luke 9:51-55; 2 John 7-11; 3 John 9-11.

Related Posts: Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 4: Individualism vs Collectivism, Part 5: Households & Slavery, Part 6: House Churches, Part 9: Kiss Greeting & Feet Washing

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 5): Households and Slavery

Households

In the New Testament we read about the households of a nobleman of Cana (John 4:53), Cornelius (Acts 10:2; 11:14), Lydia (Acts 16:15), the jailer at Philippi (Acts 16:31-34), Crispus (Acts 18:8), Aristobulus (Rom. 16:10), Narcissus (Rom. 16:11), Chloe (1 Cor. 1:11), Stephanas (1 Cor. 1:16; 16:15-17), Onesiphorus (2 Tim. 1:16; 4:19), and even Caesar (Phil. 4:22). Specific instructions are given for Christian households,¹ a number of which would have formed the nucleus of local congregations.

In the ancient Mediterranean world a “household” [oîkos] “was essentially a patriarchal institution, with other members of the household, not least wives, children, and slaves, subject to the authority of its male head” (J. D. G. Dunn, Theology of Paul 591 n. 128). This generalized description, however, does not consider households (without a male head) managed by women (e.g. Acts 12:12; 16:14-15; cf. Rom. 16:1-2; 1 Cor. 1:11). Certain household communities would have also included “not only immediate relatives but also slaves, freedmen, hired workers, and sometimes tenants and partners in trade or craft” (W. A. Meeks, First Urban Christians 75-76). 

Slavery

Christianity entered a world where slavery was already an established element of society and regarded as an economic necessity, though not necessarily comparable to the harsher forms in other times and societies. It has been estimated that 1 in 5 of the Empire’s population and 1 in 3 of Italy’s population were slaves.² The condition of slavery was the result of prisoners of war, criminal conviction, debt, abandoned children, or birth to a slave mother. A more sinister means involved the so-called  andrapodistēs (1 Tim. 1:10), i.e., enslaver, slave-dealer, kidnapper, or one who steals and sells another’s slaves.

Different kinds of slavery co-existed, and one must be careful not to make sweeping generalizations. Ethnicity and race were not determinative factors.³ Domestic house slaves were much better off than those (usually condemned criminals) working in the fields or mines. Educated slaves were valued. A slave middle class consisted of skilled craftsmen, secretaries, educators, and medical practitioners. Slaves could earn and save money and own property. Influential positions held by a number of slaves afforded benefits and power over free persons of lower social standing.⁴

M. Barth and H. Blanke observe: “The dividing line between slaves and free persons was not always sharply drawn or easily recognized …. Often a reasonably rich man’s slave was better off than a poor citizen in possession of all civil rights …. Among ancient slaves there were highly intelligent and well-trained people who did qualified work and had — especially in Paul’s day — a fair chance of being eventually manumitted and/or of marrying into the owner’s or another free person’s family …. in many respects an ancient slave’s treatment was better and his life conditions more secure than those of a nineteenth-century factory worker” (Letter to Philemon 3-4).

Being a Roman slave was not necessarily a permanent plight, as indicated by the plethoric former slaves throughout the Empire. Antonius Felix, procurator of Judea (Acts 23:26–24:27), was a freed slave (cf. Tacitus, Histories 5.9). In Jerusalem there was a “synagogue of freedmen” (Acts 6:9), apparently founded by Jewish ex-slaves. However, manumission was no guarantee that one’s social and economic circumstances would improve, and in many cases would have resulted in destitution. Depending on the wealth, status, and temperament of the owner, emancipation might not be the desirable option.

The New Testament does not enjoin, endorse, or condone slavery but simply gives regulatory instructions within the existing social structure. In his letter to Philemon (a Christian slave-owner), Paul urges a new relationship between Philemon and Onesimus but stops short of demanding emancipation. Elsewhere Paul encourages Christian slaves who could legally obtain freedom to take advantage of this opportunity, but otherwise their situation in life was to be accepted and used to the glory of God (1 Cor. 7:17-24). A Christian slave was still free in Christ (cf. Gal. 5:1), just as a free Christian was Christ’s slave (1 Cor. 7:22). Even though Paul taught compliance for slaves and fairness for masters (Eph. 6:5-9; Col. 3:22–4:1), the principles of Christianity were to mitigate the harshness of slavery and eventually lead to its demise.⁵

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Eph. 5:22–6:9; Col. 3:18–4:1; 1 Tim. 3:4; 5:4, 8; 6:1-2; Tit. 2:1-10; 1 Pet. 2:18-20; 3:1-7. 

     ² M. Cartwright, “Slavery in the Roman World,” Ancient History Encyclopedia (1 Nov. 2013), <Web>. During the 1st century approximately 16-20 percent were reportedly slaves within a population of about 60 million (W. V. Harris, “Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade” MAAR 36:117-40); some estimates are as high as 33-40 percent (K. R. Bradley, Slavery and Society 33). 

     ³ “Many of these slaves were natives of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. Later, as the Roman Empire expanded westward, the peoples of Britain, Germany, and Gaul (modern-day France) became new sources for slave labor” (R. E. Van Voorst, Reading the NT Today 93-94).

     ⁴ S. S. Bartchy, “Slaves and Slavery,” in The World of the NT [eds. J. B. Green and L. M. McDonald] 172-73.

     ⁵ Cf. 1 Cor. 12:13; Gal. 3:28; Col. 3:11; 1 Tim. 6:1-2; Tit. 2:9-10; 1 Pet. 2:18-21. When a 1st-century slave owner obeyed the gospel, the master-slave relationship was turned on its head. He was taught to treat his slaves like he wished to be treated (Matt. 7:12), to love them as himself (Matt. 22:39), to put their interests before his own (Phil. 2:3-4), and instead of threatening, to serve them out of respect for Christ (Eph. 6:9). “Slavery is turned upside down, so that the master becomes the servant of his servant…. The gospel changed a master and a slave into family and that is one of the miracles of Christianity” (W. McAdams, “Does the Bible Condone Slavery?” Radically Christian [6 Sept. 2017], <Web>). See also B. M. Metzger, The New Testament: Background, Growth, Content (3rd ed.) 268-69.

Related Posts: Paul's Letter to Philemon, Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 4: Individualism vs Collectivism, Part 6: House Churches, Part 7: Hospitality

Related Articles: Kyle Butt, The Bible and Slavery

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 4): Individualism Vs. Collectivism

A notable difference between our contemporary westernized culture and ancient Mediterranean societies concerns the individual in relation to the group. Autonomy, individualism, personal identity, personal belongings, personal space, self-esteem, self-determination, and self-sufficiency are all highly valued and embraced in our world. But in the world of the New Testament (like many non-western cultures today), consideration of the group takes precedence. 

Someone from an individualistic society (like N. America), privately reading Ephesians 6:10-18 in English translation, is more likely to interpret the second-person pronouns as singular and assume the paragraph is about how an individual Christian is to guard against Satan’s personal attacks. But is this how the passage was originally intended and received? Second-person terminology in reference to the reading audience is plural throughout the entire epistle, with much emphasis on “the church” as a whole (1:18, 22-23; 2:16, 19-22; 3:6, 10, 15, 18, 21; 4:4, 12, 16; 5:3, 23-32; 6:18), as well as “one another” (4:2, 25, 32; 5:19, 21). Irrespective of personal struggles each Christian might experience, this passage is about the spiritual warfare we all face together in a collaborative effort. See Putting on God's Whole Armor.

The primary emphasis in idiosyncratic religious cultures tends to be placed on personal salvation, with religion often viewed as a private experience. Yet a key term in God’s salvific plan is ekklēsia (“church”), occurring about 114 times in the Greek New Testament and always referring to a collectivity of people.¹ The reciprocal pronoun allēlōn (“one another”) is found no less than 100 times and simply cannot apply to one person. Despite the modern inclination to think of the individual Christian as being “in Christ,” the biblical emphasis is mutual inclusion in Christ (cf. Gal. 1:22b; Eph. 1:1-14; 1 Thess. 2:14). Penitent baptized believers enter Christ and abide in him as part of and inseparably linked to his emblematic body—the basis of unity among all faithful disciples (Rom. 6:3; 12:5, 10, 12; 1 Cor. 12:13-14, 20, 27; Gal. 3:26-28; Eph. 5:23).

While individual conversions are documented in the New Testament,² these are almost always special circumstances rather than the norm. We mostly read of group responses,³ including households.⁴ The book of Acts gives much more attention to corporate evangelism, reporting outreach efforts both publicly and “from house to house” (5:42; 20:20). 

W. A. Meeks goes too far by suggesting the “centrality of the household … shows our modern, individualistic conceptions of evangelism and conversion to be quite inappropriate” (First Urban Christians 77). This criticism fails to appreciate the fundamental concept of contextualization and the need to adapt one’s approach to the circumstances (see 1 Cor. 9:19-23). In addition to group evangelism (Acts 17:1-4), Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy worked with individuals in Thessalonica, while bringing them all together in a unified entity: “Just as you [all] know how each one [héna ékaston] of you [all], as a father his own children, [we were] exhorting and comforting and charging you [all] to walk worthily of God, who calls you [all] into his own kingdom and glory” (1 Thess. 2:11-12).⁵ 

Each person is accountable to God,⁶ and the gospel is to be obeyed on an individual basis,⁷ irrespective of how many others may or may not respond. Nonetheless, every baptized believer is expected to look beyond self as part of a larger community of God’s people (cf., e.g., 1 Cor. 10:24; Phil. 2:4; Heb. 3:13; 1 Pet. 4:10). 

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ The noun ekklēsia essentially means ‘”called out [ones],” in most NT uses in reference to the community of the saved. In secular Greek this term was applied to a political body assembled to conduct the affairs of the state (Acts 19:39; Josephus, Ant.12.164; 19.332) or to any general gathering (Acts 19:32, 40; 1 Macc. 3.13; Sir. 26.5). In the LXX it was regularly used to translate qahal in reference to the assembly of the Israelites, especially when gathered for religious purposes (Deut. 31:30; Judg. 20:2; cf. Heb. 2:12; Acts 7:38; Josephus, Ant. 4.309). J. Murphy-O’Connor insists that any contemporary of Paul would have understood this term in a secular, political sense (Letter-Writer 50). But G. D. Fee argues that the word ekklēsia was ready-made for the Christian communities because “Paul saw the church not only as in continuity with the old covenant people of God, but as in the true succession of that people” (First Corinthians 31-32; Paul, the Spirit 65). See The Church of the NT.

     ² Acts 8:38; 9:18; [13:7, 12?]; 18:26; cf. Rom. 16:5.

     ³ Acts 2:41; 4:4; 5:14; 8:12-13; 9:35, 42; 11:21; 13:43, 48; 14:21; 17:4, 11-12, 34; 18:8b; 19:5, 18; see also Acts 2:47; 6:7; 9:31; 19:26.

     ⁴ Acts 10:24, 48; 11:14; 16:15, 33-34; 18:8a; 1 Cor. 1:16; 16:15; cf. Phil. 4:22; 2 John 1-4.

     ⁵ Author's own translation, emp. added. While Christianity is very much a communal religion (1 Thess. 3:12; 4:9, 18; 5:11), inclusive of “all” the redeemed (1 Thess. 1:2, 7; 3:13; 4:10; 5:5, 26, 27), there is also the responsibility, contribution, and involvement of “each” member of the church (1 Thess. 2:11; 4:4; cf. Acts 20:31). Due to the collectivist nature and accompanying pressure of the surrounding culture, perhaps these subtle allusions to individuality serve to promote a more balanced perspective.

     ⁶ Matt. 16:27; 18:35; 25:15; Rom. 2:6; 14:5, 12; 1 Cor. 3:8, 13; 4:5; 7:17, 20, 24; 12:11; 2 Cor. 5:10; Gal. 6:4-5; Eph. 4:16, 25; 6:8; 2 Thess. 1:3; Heb. 3:13; 6:11; Jas. 1:14; 1 Pet. 1:17; Rev. 2:23; 6:11; 20:13; 22:12.

     ⁷ Acts 2:38; 3:26; 1 Cor. 7:24; Eph. 4:7; cf. Acts 17:27.

Related Posts: Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 2: Honor vs Shame, Part 5: Households and Slavery, Part 6: House Churches, Part 7: Hospitality

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 3): Patronage

An extension of the honor/shame/reciprocity mentality (see previous post) is the patron-client social structure, which generally involves relationships between superiors and inferiors. It emerges within “a social stratification based on wealth, occupation, and/or status,” producing an environment “in which one group of people has something that another does not and initiates a supply and demand system” (B. K. Gold, Literary Patronage in Greece and Rome 1). 

During the New Testament era there was an understood code of etiquette. Rather than a legal or contractual arrangement, “the social conventions were stronger than any regulations of law…. Everyone from slave to aristocrat felt bound to display respect to someone more powerful than himself, up to the emperor” (E. Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity [3rd ed.] 67). This was “a pervasive system that operated in all segments of that society …” (B. K. Gold, op cit. 5). 

To accept a gift or favor meant the recipient was in the inferior position, and to refuse a gift or favor was to embarrass or shame the giver. “Favors accepted without appropriate responses called the client’s character into question, bringing shame rather than honor not just to the individual but also to the tightly knit social group with whom he or she was associated. The quest to maintain honorable character was placed far above economic prosperity or success ...” (C. L. Blomberg, Handbook of NT Exegesis 87). Although the patron-client relationship might seem to have been voluntary, those regarded as social inferiors generally had no choice if they wanted to survive socially and economically (B. Witherington III, Paul Quest 48-49). 

There was no such thing in the world of the New Testament as a government-generated welfare system or any kind of wealth distribution. Instead there was the societal expectation that the wealthy would serve as benefactors or patrons for those of the lower class. “In return, the client supported his patron in elections, did odd jobs for him, and escorted him through the streets, giving the patron’s social standing a healthy boost” (A. A. Bell, Jr., Exploring the NT World 191-92). Alliances between benefactors and recipients were often hereditary, passed down from one generation to the next. Because the client was expected to be available whenever the patron demanded, there was little time, interest, or even need for physical work. 

In such an environment the problems in mid-1st-century Thessalonica are more readily understood. Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy had to direct this young church to discipline “every brother idly walking … not working at all” (2 Thess. 3:6-15, author’s own translation). While manual labor, particularly among the socially elite, was considered demeaning and indicative of a slave rather than a person of prestige (cf. 1 Cor. 4:12-13; 9:19; 2 Thess. 3:7-10), it is also plausible that “converts included those of the urban poor who had formed client relationships with wealthy members in the Thessalonian church, but who exploited the generosity of their new Christian patrons” (J. Weima, Thessalonians 601). 

Literary patronage was also a well-established tradition in Greek and Roman society, seeing that literary work in antiquity was not intended as a money-making enterprise. Writers “were often the near social equals of their patrons; the differences between writer and patron were far more subtle than those between a patron and a lower-class dependent” (B. K. Gold, op cit. 1-6, 173).

The prologues of Luke’s two-volume work (Luke 1:1-4; Acts 1:1) potentially serve as a dedication to Theophilus as the patron who provided financial support for Luke’s travels, research, and writing projects. Accordingly, Luke-Acts “was intentionally produced for wider distribution and adhered to certain literary conventions. In this regard the address to Theophilus again becomes important, since it was normal to dedicate such works to the patron who paid for the publication, meaning the costs of papyrus, ink, secretaries, and copyists and in many cases support for the author” (L. M. White, From Jesus to Christianity 249).¹

Within the 1st-century church, Phoebe is described as a “benefactor” [prostátis] of Paul and many others (Rom. 16:2).² The widowed patroness was not uncommon in the ancient world.³ Other Christian patrons may have included Lydia (Acts 16:14-15), Jason (Acts 17:3-9), Gaius and Erastus (Rom. 16:23), and Onesiphorus (2 Tim. 1:16-18). Paul praises the Philippians for their generosity but does not directly thank them (Phil. 4:10-17), presumably aware of the culture of reciprocity whereby he avoids an unhealthy patron-client perception. Instead, he offers thanks to God (1:3-11) and frames their generosity as giving to God, the ultimate patron (4:18-20), rather than to Paul himself as a duty-bound client.⁴  

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

    ¹ “The presence of a patron in a work of literature ensured that the work would be public in its nature. This was perhaps the ultimate value of the patron: he forced a writer to focus his thoughts outward and thus to create a work worthy of immortality” (B. K. Gold, op cit. 176).
     ² The feminine noun prostátis, signifying “protectress, patroness, helper” (BAGD 718), occurs in the NT only in Rom. 16:2. D. J. Moo argues that the sense of “benefactor” or “patroness,” common in secular Greek, is the probable usage here (Romans 915-16). 
    ³ E. R. Richards, “Reading, Writing, and Manuscripts,” in The World of the NT (eds. J. B. Green and L. M. McDonald) 349.
    ⁴ C. L. Blomberg, A Handbook of NT Exegesis 88.

Related Posts: Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 2: Honor & Shame, Part 5: Households & Slavery, Part 7: Hospitality

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 2): Honor and Shame

Rembrandt’s The Return of the Prodigal Son

The Bible grew out of an ancient Mediterranean cultural environment where the concept of honor vs. shame was embedded as a pivotal value, similar to many present-day eastern- and middle-eastern cultures.¹ “Briefly, the honor/shame complex implies that the maintenance of honor—for one’s self, one’s family, and one’s larger groups—is absolutely vital to life. This entails reputation, status, and sexual identity. The vocabulary of honor and shame is extensive in Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin” (K. C. Hanson and D. E. Oakman, Palestine in the Time of Jesus 4). Particularly in male-dominated societies with a strong collectivist framework, honor and shame are linked to wealth and power, public order and repute, where a person lives for the acclaim of his fellow humans. Indicative of the New Testament world, “the quest for honor and praise was one of the most important forces binding society together ...” (B. Witherington III, Paul Quest 45).

Honor and shame cultures place heavy emphasis on reciprocity. Each social interaction is viewed as an opportunity to increase honor and avoid shame. In the ancient Mediterranean world this included dinner invitations, gift-giving, and special favors. In fact, nearly “every public activity turned out to be some kind of competition for honor and praise” (B. Witherington III, Paul Quest 47).² Concepts like unmerited favor (Gal. 6:1-2; Heb. 12:28), giving without expecting something in return (Luke 6:34-35), and a forgiving attitude (Matt. 6:14-15; Col. 3:13) were practically unheard of in secular society. The Lord’s so-called “golden rule” (Matt. 7:12) stands in stark contrast to the popular ethic of reciprocity. 

W. Mischke suggests that because of the characteristic individualism of the modern Western world, the honor/shame motif of scripture is largely unrecognized and “represents a blind spot for Christians trained in the Western theological tradition” (“Honor-Status Reversal,” Orality Journal 4:1 [2015]: 11). Removing this blind spot, Minschke argues, enables interpreters to see “honor-status reversal” as a major theme throughout the Bible. “One’s honor-status can be high or low or in-between, ranging from the lowest honor-status of a leper or a slave—to the immensely powerful high honor-status of a mighty king,” the reversal of which turns one’s standing “the other way around” (ibid., 12-36).³

Calling upon readers to esteem others “in humility” (Phil. 2:3) runs counter to societal norms of the time. The general populace of the 1st-century Greco-Roman world did not regard humility as a virtue any more than most secular westerners do today.⁴ “The idea that ‘humility’ is a virtue was foreign to the pagan world; the word, in fact, always appeared in Greek literature with the unfavorable sense of ‘humiliation’” (P. E. Harrell, Philippians 92). Nevertheless, a Christ-like spirit looks beyond self to the interests of others (Mark 9:35; Rom. 12:10; 1 Cor. 10:24, 33; 1 Pet. 5:5-6; cp. Phil. 1:15).

The countercultural message of the New Testament is that humility and greater dependence on God are beneficial and should be utilized and esteemed. “Therefore I am well pleased in weaknesses, in insults, in hardships, in persecutions, and difficulties for Christ; for when I might be weak, then I am strong” (2 Cor. 12:10, author’s own translation). This strength-out-of-weakness paradox clashes with man’s infatuation with achievement, prosperity, status, notability, and power.

The New Testament consistently challenges society’s status quo and reconfigures the boundaries of honor and shame. All who might be dishonored because of ethnicity, gender, or social standing can now be unashamed in Christ, where no one is considered inferior to anyone else (1 Cor. 12:12-27; Gal. 3:26-29; Col. 3:9-11). In this regard New Testament writers are seen as deviants, radicals, and change agents, swimming against the current of popular culture (B. Witherington III, Paul Quest 46, 50). At the same time, the shame of dissociation was an integral component of church discipline to draw one back to faithfulness (2 Thess. 3:6-15).

Understanding the real world of the early Christians enables us to appreciate Christianity’s “cutting edge” (E. Ferguson,  Backgrounds of Early Christianity [3rd ed.] 4). It is “a kind of looking glass world where everything works on principles opposite to those of the world around us. To be blessed, be a blessing to others. To receive love, give love. To be honored, first be humble. To truly live, die to yourself. To gain the unseen, let go of the seen. To receive, first give. To save your life, lose it. To lead, be a servant. To be first, be last” (K. R. Krell, “Work Your Way Down the Ladder,” <Link>).⁵

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ B. J. Malina, The NT World xii, 27-57; see also B. J. Malina and J. H. Neyrey, “Honor and Shame in Luke-Acts,” in J. H. Neyrey, ed., The Social World of Luke-Acts 25-66.
     ² A guest to a dinner party might be expected to reciprocate with a reading, an oral recitation, or other entertainment (E. R. Richards, “Reading, Writing, and Manuscripts,” inThe World of the NT [eds. J. B. Green and L. M. McDonald] 349).

     ³ Along with OT references, the following NT passages are submitted as examples: Matt. 5:3-11; Luke 1:51-53; 2:32-38; 9:48; 13:30; 15:11-32; Rom. 1:14-16; 1 Cor. 1:27-29; Eph. 2:1-7, 11-22; Phil. 2:5-11; Rev. 3:18, 21; 5:6-7; 6:11; 18:2; 21:22-26. Having heard Minschke’s oral presentations (Teachers of Missions Workshop [23 Feb. 2018], Hurst, TX), I get the impression that his passion for the subject may be driving him to discover honor/shame allusions in passages where it is less than apparent. He emphasizes the greater attention in scripture to the honor/shame motif above the more westernized concern for innocence/ guilt, although the latter is sufficiently addressed in biblical terms of forgiveness, justification, moral purity, et al. Guilt pertains to one’s actions, while shame concerns one’s worth. For a helpful discussion of this theme, see Jackson Wu, “Have Theologians No Sense of Shame?” Themelios 43:2 (Aug. 2018) 205-219.

     ⁴ W. Grundmann, TDNT 8:11-12. The Greek noun tapeinophrosúnē (“humility”) occurs in the NT in Acts 2:19; Eph. 4:2; Phil. 2:3; Col. 2:18, 23; 3:12; 1 Pet. 3:8; 5:5. 

     ⁵ The “looking glass world” reference alludes to Lewis Carroll’s novel Through the Looking-Glass, where Alice steps through a mirror into a world where everything is backwards.

Related Posts: The Bible's Radical View on Women; Sociocultural Context Part 1: Introduction, Part 3: Patronage, Part 4: Individualism vs Collectivism, Part 5: Households & Slavery, Part 7: Hospitality

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The Sociocultural Context of the New Testament (Part 1): Introduction

“The message of the Bible may be timeless, but the form of that message is not. In order to accomplish his self-revelation in history, God necessarily had to embed that revelation in the historical and cultural context of its original readers” (G. M. Burge, et al., NT in Antiquity 16-17). The challenge for Bible students is to distinguish between situation-specific information and the enduring principles God conveys through these writings.

As modern-day westerners, we approach the scriptures as foreigners engaged in a cross-cultural exchange. Ancient documents make only indirect reference to contemporary social conventions, naturally assuming that readers live in the same world and know what is meant. B. J. Malina reminds us that “meaning, then as well as now, ultimately resides in the social system shared by persons who regularly interact with each other. The problems bound up with understanding another group’s social system so as to interact meaningfully with members of that group are at the root of the problems that surround New Testament interpretation” (Social World of Jesus and the Gospels xi). 

Bible students unconsciously bring to the interpretive enterprise any number of preconceptions shaped by their own experiences, historical backgrounds, traditional values, and personal agendas. It is not realistic to view a 1st-century middle-eastern or Greco-Roman composition through 21st-century westernized lenses with a reasonable expectation of apprehension. The social and cultural environment of New Testament authors and their targeted audiences is far removed from ours. To be unaware and uninformed and lax in our investigation is to almost guarantee that biblical texts are misconstrued. “The further one stands from the original situation of a document, the more discipline one needs to bridge the gaps” (K. C. Hanson and D. E. Oakman, Palestine in the Time of Jesus 2). At the same time, we must avoid broad generalizations and not assume that understanding the social context of a biblical author is “a substitute for examining the direct evidence about that life itself” (B. Witherington III, Paul Quest 50).

Over the next few weeks posts will be focusing on various aspects of the New Testament’s sociocultural context to supplement our studies and teaching. We want to understand God’s revelation in its original setting so we can be in a better position to interpret it correctly and make application to our own environment.

--Kevin L. Moore

Related Posts: Part 2: Honor & Shame, Part 3: Patronage, Part 4: Individualism vs Collectivism, Part 5: Households & Slavery, Part 6: House Churches, Part 7: Hospitality, Part 8: Public Reading, Part 8: Kiss Greeting & Feet Washing

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