The Last Chapter of Romans: Phoebe Commended (Romans 16:1-2)

A Mosaic of Simplicia Rustica in the Vatican's Pio Cristiano Museum

“I commend to you our¹ sister Phoebe, a servant of the church at Cenchreae, that you may welcome her in the Lord in a way worthy of the saints, and help her in whatever she may need from you, for she has been a patron of many and of myself as well” (Romans 16:1-2, ESV).

Welcoming a Sister in Christ

Letters of commendation helped open doors of hospitality for traveling Christians (cf. 12:13).² “Phoebe” [Φοίβη] (a Greek name meaning “bright” or “radiant,” an epithet of Phoebus Apollo) was a Christian “sister” [ἀδελφή],³ one of at least eight females named or alluded to in this chapter. Perhaps such an unusually large number of women are included in Paul’s greetings so that sister Phoebe was sure to receive a warm reception and ease her transition.⁴ It is commonly believed that she was the one entrusted with delivering the letter to Rome,⁵ although the text itself is not explicit enough to confirm this popular conjecture. Nor is it necessary to assume she traveled alone, a distance of over 740 miles (1,192 kms) from Cenchreae to Rome, a journey that would have taken nearly a month. As a female, a patroness (v. 2), and presumably a person of means, solo travel would have been unlikely.⁶

The Roman brethren are to “welcome [προσδέχομαι] her in the Lord in a way worthy [ἀξίως]⁷ of the saints,” an opportunity to implement the exhortation of 15:7; and “help” [παριστάνω], lit. “stand beside,”⁸ fulfilling 12:3-13. Whether Phoebe was on business or moving to Rome or just visiting, she had a ready church family to provide whatever assistance was needed.

Phoebe may have already been acquainted with Prisca and Aquila (v. 3), seeing that “Cenchreae” was the southeast seaport of Corinth (cf. Acts 18:18).⁹ As a result of the eighteen-month evangelistic efforts of Paul, Aquila, Priscilla (Prisca), Silas, and Timothy in Corinth (Acts 18:1-18a), plus extensive follow-up work, the gospel spread beyond the city limits throughout the province of Achaia (cf. 15:26),¹⁰ including Cenchreae about six miles (9.6 km) from Corinth, where another “church” [ἐκκλησία]¹¹ was planted.

A Servant of the Church

Phoebe is described as “a servant” [διάκονον] of this congregation, the accusative form of διάκονος, which has historically been transliterated “deacon” in English versions of Philippians 1:1 and 1 Timothy 3:8-13. It is often surmised that Phoebe was “a teacher and leader in the church,”¹² which is not only speculative and anachronistic but gives the appearance of an agenda-driven grasping at straws.¹³

The basic meaning of διάκονος is “servant” or “helper,” and in this sense every member of the Lord’s church is to be a διάκονος (a term void of any inherent leadership responsibilities).¹⁴ The cognate διακονία (cf. 11:13; 12:7; 15:31) conveys humble “service” rather than authoritative leadership and is applicable to what is expected of all followers of Christ.¹⁵ In fact, what Paul says about Pheobe is comparable to how Martha’s hospitable serving is described (Luke 10:38-40). When applied to a Christian woman, therefore, whether the word διάκονος is rendered “servant,” “minister,” or even “deaconess” (which is not an actual biblical word),¹⁶ it does not change the function designated by the term nor does it alter what a woman is allowed or not allowed to do in the church. The terms “servant” [διάκονος] and “leader” [ἡγεμών] represent very different concepts.¹⁷

 

EXCURSUS: A FURTHER OBSERVATION ABOUT THE ROLE OF “DEACONESS”

In 1 Timothy 3:11, listing qualifications of deacons, Paul includes: “Their wives [γυναῖκας] likewise must be dignified, not slanderers, but sober-minded, faithful in all things” (ESV). The question is whether γυναῖκες here refers to women in general, women assisting deacons, female deacons, or wives of deacons. If “deaconess” were an official position in the early church,¹⁸ this would still be a role of service rather than unrestricted leadership and would not change her overall function in the community (as already established in the previous chapter, 1 Tim. 2:11-15). While all Christian women ought to exemplify these stipulated characteristics (cf. 1 Tim. 2:9-15; 5:5-10; contrast 5:11-15; 2 Tim. 3:6-7), the immediate context concerns men serving in the official capacity as congregational deacons, one of the requisites being “the husband of one wife” (v. 12). Contextually, therefore, this appears to be an instructive prelude to affirming not only a deacon’s marital status but the importance of being married to the right kind of spouse. God designed marriage as a partnership (Gen. 2:18, 24), and a wife who supports her husband in ministry is a great blessing, especially when ministering to females and families. By including this brief segment in the discussion, Paul provides “a reasonable basis for evaluating whether a man under consideration for a leadership role will have the support needed to effectively discharge his duties …. The opposite qualities would hinder her husband’s ministry and limit his influence…”¹⁹

----------- End of Excursus -----------

 

A Helper of Many

The service of Phoebe is described by Paul as “a patron of many and of myself as well.” The feminine noun προστάτις, signifying “protectress, patroness, helper” (BAGD 718) or “a woman in a supportive role, patron, benefactor” (BDAG 885), occurs only here in the NT.²⁰ In community-oriented Mediterranean cultures, people instinctively “thought in terms of the collective group getting through life together.”²¹ Without government-generated welfare systems or any kind of wealth distribution, the societal expectation was that the more affluent would serve as benefactors or patrons for those of the lower class.²² This, then, was a normal practice in the early church, albeit adapted to the greater purpose of God (cf. 12:8), including how the needs of full-time evangelists were to be met. While Paul often depended on the financial assistance of churches (cf. 15:24), he also relied heavily on the hospitality and provision of individual Christians.²³

Widowed patronesses were not uncommon in the ancient world,²⁴ and the public ministry of Jesus and his disciples was financed by female contributors (Luke 8:1-3).²⁵ In addition to Phoebe in Cenchreae and apparently Rufus’s mother elsewhere (Rom. 16:13), Christian benefaction was practiced by Lydia in Philippi (Acts 16:14-15), Jason in Thessalonica (Acts 17:3-9), Gaius and Erastus in Corinth (Rom. 16:23), and Onesiphorus in Ephesus and Rome (2 Tim. 1:16-18).

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ The first person “our” [ἡμῶν], used to express a special relationship with an individual, is replaced in some manuscripts by the third person ὑμῶν (“your”), most likely a scribal error. Only four first person plurals are found in chap. 16 (vv. 1, 9, 18, 20), almost certainly inclusive of the reading audience and perhaps the entire brotherhood. See C. E. B. Cranfield Shorter Romans 374-82; J. D. G. Dunn, Romans 2:886.

     ² See also Acts 18:27; 1 Cor. 16:10-12; Col. 4:7-9; Eph. 6:21-22; cf. Phil. 2:25-30. “Security and hospitality when traveling had traditionally been the privilege of the powerful, who had relied upon a network of patronage and friendship, created by wealth. The letters of recommendation disclose the fact that these domestic advantages were now extended to the whole household of faith, who are accepted on trust, though complete strangers” (E. A. Judge,The Conversion of Rome 7).

     ³ Cf. Matt. 12:48-50; Mark 3:35; 10:30; 1 Cor. 7:15; 9:5; 1 Tim. 5:2; Philem. 2; Jas. 2:15; 2 John 13.

     ⁴ E. Y. L. Ng, “Was Junia(s) in Rom 16:7 a Female Apostle?,” JETS 63.3 (2020): 531.

     ⁵ C. F. Ball, Life and Times 173; F. F. Bruce, The Pauline Circle 88; B. D. Ehrman, A Brief Introduction to the NT 255; J. P. McNutt and A. B. Peeler, “Paul’s Most Beloved Letter Was Entrusted to a Woman,” Christianity Today (20 Oct. 2020), <Web>. The KJV includes a note at the end of the chapter, “Written to the Romans from Corinthus, and sent by Phebe servant of the church at Cenchrea.” There is even less evidence for the extended supposition that she publicly read and explained the letter.

     ⁶ Travelling in convoy was the norm (cf. Acts 13:2-5; 15:40–16:10; 18:18; 20:4–21:16). In addition to the dangers of travel (cf. 2 Cor. 11:25-27), women in the Roman world were expected to have at least one male guardian [tutela mulierum] when outside the home. See Tacitus, Annals 3.33.2-3; Gaius, Inst. 1.144; Cicero, Pro Mur. 27; cf. also L. Foubert, “The Lure of an Exotic Destination,” Hermes 1:44 (2016): 468-69, 475.

     ⁷ Cf. Eph. 4:1; Phil. 1:27; Col. 1:10; 1 Thess. 2:12; 3 John 6. 

     ⁸ Cf. Acts 27:23; 2 Tim. 4:17.

     ⁹ Corinth’s other seaport was northwest Lechaeum. The two seaports, heightening the city’s commercial and cosmopolitan status, were named after Leches and Cenchrias, the sons of Poseidon (god of the sea) and the nymph Peirene (cf. Pausanias, Description of Greece 2.2.3).

     ¹⁰ Acts 19:21; 2 Cor. 1:1; 9:2; 11:10; 1 Thess. 1:7-8.

     ¹¹ All five occurrences of ἐκκλησία in Romans are in the final chapter with reference to the local church at Cenchreae near Corinth (v. 1), a local house church in Rome (v. 5), the church in Corinth meeting in Gaius’s home (v. 23), and groups of churches (vv. 4, 16). In secular Greek the term ἐκκλησία was applied to a political body assembled to conduct the affairs of the state (Acts 19:39; Josephus, Ant. 12.164; 19.332) or to any general gathering (Acts 19:32, 40). In the LXX it was regularly used to translate qahal [קָהָל] in reference to the assembly of the Israelites, esp. when gathered for religious purposes (Deut. 31:30; Judg. 20:2; cf. Acts 7:38; Heb. 2:12; Josephus, Ant. 4.309). The word was ready-made for Christian communities in that “Paul saw the church not only as in continuity with the old covenant people of God, but as in the true succession of that people” (G. D. Fee, First Corinthians 31-32). The traditional English rendering “church” etymologically goes back to the Greek κύριος (“Lord”), as used in the phrase “house of the Lord.”

     ¹² K. Edmiston, “Fundamentalism in the Churches of Christ,” Jesus Creed (11 March 2020), <Web>; cf. also F. F. Bruce, Romans 252; J. D. G. Dunn, Romans 2:886-88; K. M. Elliott, Women in Ministry 15; R. Jewett, Romans 945; K. Schenck, A Biblical Argument for Women in Ministry and Leadership 17-18. The CEV paraphrases, “a leader in the church,” the Douay-Rheims Bible, “in the ministry of the church,” the NAB, “a minister of the church,” and Darby, “a minister of the assembly.” 

     ¹³ Left-leaning scholarship reads “authority” into Paul’s terminology (cf., e.g., V. K. McCarty, Power and Authority 195-209). However, the oft-cited NT examples of women serving the Lord (e.g., Luke 2:36-38; John 4:28-29; 20:1-2; Acts 2:17-18; 21:9; Rom. 16:1-3; Phil. 4:2-3) are a far cry from the modern concept of female authority figures. Christian activity is by no means restricted to public leadership, and women are among the finest examples of faith, generosity, and service recorded in scripture void of preconceptions foreign to the biblical record. See K. L. Moore, “A Woman’s Service in the Church,” Moore Perspective (27 Dec. 2014), <Link>.

     ¹⁴ Matt. 20:26; 23:11; Mark 9:35. Leadership in the church is limited to those with certain qualifications and is not afforded to everyone (Rom. 12:4-8; Eph. 4:11-14; 1 Tim. 3:1-7). 

     ¹⁵ Acts 11:29; 2 Cor. 5:18; 8:4; 9:1, 12-13; 11:8; cf. Rev. 2:19.

     ¹⁶ Used in the Amplified Bible, ISV, RSV, J. B. Phillips; also NCV, NET, ICB footnotes. The masculine “deacon” appears in the GOD’S WORD® Translation, NIV, NLT, NRSV; also CEB, MEV, WEB footnotes.

     ¹⁷ The word διάκονος is used in both a generic and a more limited sense in the NT, similar to the word πρεσβύτερος (“elder”) that is generally applicable to one who is older (cf. Luke 15:25; Acts 2:17), even in reference to older women (1 Tim. 5:2). But the same word is also employed in a special sense, referring to the position of leadership in a local congregation (Acts 14:23; Tit. 1:5). In order for a person to serve as either a πρεσβύτερος (elder) or a διάκονος (deacon) in the official sense, one must meet specific qualifications, which, according to biblical guidelines, exclude females (1 Tim. 2:8–3:13). At the same time, the fundamental role God has designed for women in the home and in the church is invaluable and unsuitable for unqualified persons of the male gender. 

     ¹⁸ The NCV and ICB footnotes on Rom. 16:1 read, “Literally, ‘deaconess.’ This might mean the same as one of the special women helpers in 1 Timothy 3:11.”

     ¹⁹ A. Johnson, “Does Paul Give Qualifications for Deacons’ Wives?” in Entrusted with the Faith, ed. D. Y. Burleson (Henderson, TN: FHU, 2018): 362-63.

     ²⁰ The sense of “benefactor,” common in secular Greek, is the probable usage here (E. Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity [3rd ed.] 67; D. J. Moo, Romans 915-16), so “we should see Phoebe and Paul’s relationship as working within a general reciprocity dynamic of benefaction, rather than within the specific relationship of the patron-client relationship” (E. D. MacGillivray, “Romans 16:2, προστάτις,” NovT 53 [2011]: 183-99). Some have attempted to assign a role of leadership to this term (e.g., R. R. Schulz, “A Case for ‘President’ Phoebe,” LIJ 24 [1990]: 124-27), but it is most unlikely that she exercised authority over the apostle Paul.

     ²¹ E. R. Richards and R. James, Misreading Scripture with Individualist Eyes 65-66; cf. E. Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity (3rd ed.) 9, 14-15, 161, 325.

     ²² In such an environment the problems in mid-first-century Thessalonica are more readily understood. Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy had to direct this young church to discipline “every brother idly walking … not working at all” (2 Thess. 3:6-15). It is plausible that “converts included those of the urban poor who had formed client relationships with wealthy members in the Thessalonian church, but who exploited the generosity of their new Christian patrons” (J. Weima, Thessalonians 601).

     ²³ Acts 9:11-19; 16:15, 34; 17:6-7; 18:1-3; 20:11; 21:4, 7-10, 16-17; 24:23; 28:13-14; Rom. 15:24; 16:23; 1 Cor. 16:6; Gal. 1:18; Philem. 22. “These friends and co-workers, hosts and hostesses, had no other motive in being so helpful than love of Paul and love of the Master whom he served… in serving the one they were serving the other” (F. F. Bruce, The Pauline Circle 99-100).

     ²⁴ E. R. Richards, “Reading, Writing, and Manuscripts,” in The World of the NT (eds. J. B. Green and L. M. McDonald) 349; cf. also J. N. Bremmer, “Pauper or Patroness,” in Between Poverty and the Pyre (eds. J. N. Bremmer and L. V. D. Bosch) 31-57.

     ²⁵ Many women followed and ministered to Jesus (Matt. 27:55-56) and were outstanding examples of discipleship (Matt. 9:20-22; 15:22-28; Mark 12:41-44; 14:8-9; et al.), recognized for their good works (e.g., Acts 9:36-39; 1 Tim. 5:10). The greatest event in history was first witnessed and announced by women (Matt. 28:1-10). The first “missionary” to Samaria, besides Jesus himself, was female (John 4:28-30, 39-42). Women formed part of the nucleus when the Lord’s church began (Acts 1:14; 2:41), and the number of receptive women who obeyed the gospel was an important factor in the rapid growth of early Christianity (Acts 5:14; 8:12; 17:4, 12, 34). Among those in Berea who “searched the scriptures daily” and responded to the truth were noble-minded women (Acts 17:11-12). Because of their uncompromising faith these dedicated, first-century Christian ladies even suffered brutal persecution (Acts 8:3; 9:2; 22:4). The Philippi church initially consisted of women and met in a woman’s home (Acts 16:13-18, 40). Christian women were instructed to be “teachers of good things,” particularly with other women (Tit. 2:3-5), and to fulfill God-given ministries a number of them were endowed with the miraculous gift of prophecy (Acts 2:17-18; 21:9; 1 Cor. 11:5; cf. K. L. Moore, We Have No Such Custom 41-46).

Related Posts: Romans 16 (Intro), Greetings to Prisca & Aquila (Rom 16:3-5a)

 

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The Last Chapter of Romans

The Christians in Mid-First-Century Rome

The final chapter of Romans provides “some of the strongest evidence for the mixed Jewish-gentile composition of the Christian community at Rome ...”¹ Of the thirty-five persons mentioned by name, eight are with Paul on the sending end at Corinth, twenty-six are addressed on the receiving end at Rome, while Phoebe (vv. 1-2) may have been on both ends. 

Three of the Roman saints are expressly identified as Paul’s “kinsmen” [συγγενεῖς] (vv. 7, 11), whereas others bear names derived from pagan deities, indicative of a non-Jewish background, including the name Phoebe (v. 1), from the god of the sun Phoebus (“radiant”) Apollo; Hermes (v. 14), messenger of the gods; Nereus (v. 15), a god of the sea; also Olympas (v. 15), from the home of the Greek pantheon of gods Mount Olympus. Being a Christ-follower in the first-century Roman world necessarily involved a life-change (1:21-23; 2:4; 6:1-4), but a name-change apparently was not required.

Greetings to the Roman Saints 

Since the Christian community in Rome had been established independently of Paul’s missionary activities (cf. 1:8-13; 15:22-24), how did he know so many people to send greetings to (twenty-six by name + two unnamed family members + five households!)? It is unnecessary to assume he had personal connections with each of these individuals,² and it is likely that at least some of them had encountered Paul on their travels eastward (cf. Acts 2:10), or like Phoebe already knew him before having moved to or visited Rome, or like Prisca and Aquila were expatriates who became his friends before returning to Rome. 

The letter began with a lengthy salutation, introducing Paul’s gospel and apostolic mission followed by a summary of his plans for the near future (1:1-17). The letter now ends, preceded by a summary of his future plans (15:14-32), with a long list of people who could serve as personal references.³ The aorist imperative “greet” [ἀσπάσασθε] is directed sixteen times to the entire community of believers (16:3-16), indicative of the common bond already shared through so many mutual acquaintances and further establishing a relationship of trust. Although the chapter begins as a commendation of sister Phoebe, the entire letter itself is essentially a commendation of Paul.⁴

Onomastic Observations 

Eighteen of the greeted names are Greek.⁵ At least seven, probably eight, are Latin.⁶ Aquila, despite his Latin name and having first immigrated from Asia Minor, was ethnically Jewish (Acts 18:2), as were Andronicus, Junia(s), and Herodion (Greek and Latin names), whom Paul explicitly identifies as his (ethnic) “kinspeople” [συγγενεῖς] (vv. 7, 11).⁷ The only potentially Semitic name in this section is Mary (Miriam?),⁸ but since she is not mentioned among the ones expressly recognized as Jewish, there seems to be a stronger case for the Latin Maria. If these names are representative of the ethnocultural makeup of the mid-first century Roman churches, Jewish Christians appear to have been the minority.

The etymology of a name, of course, reveals little if anything about the geographical provenance or ethnicity of a person. Roman male citizens typically had at least three names (tria nomina): a first personal name (praenomen), a clan name or family surname (nomen), and a hereditary paternal name or nickname (cognomen). Female citizens ordinarily had two names, often feminine forms of their father’s nomen and cognomen. Slaves were either unnamed or had a single name. But with changes in life’s circumstances (e.g., adoption, manumission, advancement), names could change. In formal settings, all the names of a person would be cited, but in less formal situations (like sending greetings in a letter), only one name was appropriate.⁹

From a sociocultural perspective, inscriptional evidence of Rome’s imperial period, narrowed down to the time approximating Paul’s life, indicates a nearly certain or probable eastern origin of fourteen of the ones greeted,¹⁰ while the rest, though not necessarily excluded, lack comparable attestation. The same evidence confirms Christianity having spread to all levels of society, even the imperial family,¹¹ and a valid case can be made that several of the names listed in this chapter belonged to prominent households, inclusive of slaves and freed persons.¹² Slave origins, whether among the general slave population or former slaves or having slave ancestry,¹³ can be reasonably inferred for ten of these people,¹⁴ while four were almost certainly freeborn¹⁵ and the rest undeterminable.¹⁶

On the original reading audience and the forty-five Christians explicitly named in the NT who had been to Rome or lived in Rome, see K. L. Moore, “Introducing Romans (Part 2)” Moore Perspective (25 Oct. 2023), <Link>.

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ R. B. Hays, “The Gospel is the Power of God,” in Critical Review of Books in Religion 37. It has been surmised by a number of modern critics, albeit without convincing textual evidence, that chap. 16 was originally a separate document disconnected from the rest of the letter. On the Ephesus-destination hypothesis, see C. H. Dodd, Romans xvii-xxiv. “What is perplexing about the present state of affairs is how there can be so little consensus in regard to the original purpose for which Paul wrote Romans, and yet an increasing consensus that Romans 16 was not an original part of this letter…. it is far more probable that ch. 16 was an integral part of Paul’s original edition of Romans …” (K. P. Donfried, “A Short Note on Romans 16,” JBL 89.4 [1970]: 441). See also A. A. Dos, Solving the Romans Debate 10-23; J. D. G. Dunn, Romans 2:884-85; J. A. Fitzmyer, Romans 57-64; D. Guthrie, NT Introduction 400-414.

     ² “Now, he had particular reasons for wishing to establish personal contacts with Rome, and may well have chosen for that reason to send greetings to any members of the church there with whom he had any connection, even indirect” (C. H. Dodd, Romans xx). The proposal that some or all of the greetings were from Paul’s amanuensis (H. Gamble, Textual History 94; E. R. Richards, The Secretary 171) is speculative and unconvincing.  

     ³ Note also the greetings sent by Paul’s immediate colleagues (16:21-23), demonstrating he is not a lone maverick, a feature also occurring in the only other Pauline letter addressed to a Christian community with whom he was not personally acquainted (Col. 4:10-15; cf. Philem. 2, 23-24, also sent to Colosse) yet comparatively minimal in his other letters (1 Cor. 16:19-20a; 2 Cor. 13:13; Phil. 4:21b-22; 2 Tim. 4:21; Tit. 3:15a). Outside of Romans, directives to greet certain ones among the addressees are also meager, included in just two letters sent to volatile church environments (Tit. 3:15b; 2 Tim. 4:19). 

     ⁴ P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 156. 

     ⁵ Epaenetus, Andronicus, Stachys, Apelles, Aristobulus, Herodion, Narcissus, Tryphaena, Tryphosa, Persis, Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermes, Patrobas, Hermas, Philologus, Nereus (with his sister), and Olympas.

     ⁶ Prisca, Aquila, Junia(s), Mary/Maria(?), Amplia[tu]s, Urbanus, Rufus (with his mother), and Julia.

     ⁷ Cf. Rom. 9:1-5; note also Col. 4:10-11. Obviously “the Roman Jews had accepted the Latin names of their Roman neighbors to a much greater extent than they had adopted the Latin language” (H. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome 107-108). 

     ⁸ Some argue for “Junias” (v. 7) as a Hellenized form of the Hebrew Yěḥunnī. See A. Wolters, “ΙΟΥΝΙΑΝ (Romans 16:7) and the Hebrew Name Yěḥunnī,” JBL 27.2 (2008): 397-408.

     ⁹ See C. Ashby, “Roman Names,” Life in the Roman Empire (retrieved 11 June 2024), <Link>. 

     ¹⁰ More or less certain for Aquila, Epaenetus, Andronicus, and Junia (assuming the latter name is correctly spelt); and probable for Stachys, Apelles, Herodion, Persis, Asyncritus, Phlegon, Patrobas, Hermas, Philologus, and Olympas. See P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus164-71; also F. F. Bruce, “Some Roman Slave-names,” in Proceedings of the Leeds Philosophical Society: Literary and Historical Section 5 1:44-60.

     ¹¹ H. E. Fox, Christian Inscriptions in Ancient Rome 49.

     ¹² According to Lightfoot’s research: Urbanus, Stachys, Apelles, Narcissus, Tryphaena, Tryphosa, Phlegon, Patrobas, Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, possibly others. See J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 173-77, postulating that some of these may have been among Caesar’s household (Phil. 4:22).

     ¹³ It has been estimated that one in five of the Empire’s population and one in three of Italy’s population were slaves (M. Cartwright, “Slavery in the Roman World,” Ancient History Encyclopedia [1 Nov. 2013], <Web>). First-century churches, like the general populace, included slave members (cf. 1 Cor. 7:17-24; 12:13; Eph. 6:5-9; Col. 3:22–4:9; Philem.10-16). 

     ¹⁴ According to Lampe’s research: Junia, Ampliatus, Herodion, Tryphaena, Tryphosa, Persis, Hermes, Julia, Nereus, and probably Mary/Maria. See P. Lampe, “The Roman Christians of Romans 16,” in K. P. Donfried, ed. The Romans Debate 227-29. While Greek names in Rome often betray slave ancestry (P. Huttunen, Social Strata 195-96), considering the significant numbers of eastern immigrants, this is in no way conclusive.

     ¹⁵ Prisca, Aquila, Urbanus, and Rufus – all Latin names. Contra J. Murphy-O’Connor, Paul: His Story 83-84.

     ¹⁶ P. Lampe, “Roman Christians” 227-29; From Paul to Valentinus 183; cf. also F. F. Bruce, “Some Roman Slave-names” 44-60.

Related Post: The Macedonians Had Names, Phoebe Commended (Rom 16:1-2)

 

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Paul’s Apostolic Ministry (Romans 15:14-33): Part 3 of 3

Paul’s Future Plans 

“At present, however, I am going to Jerusalem bringing aid to the saints. For Macedonia and Achaia have been pleased to make some contribution for the poor among the saints at Jerusalem. For they were pleased to do it, and indeed they owe it to them. For if the Gentiles have come to share in their spiritual blessings, they ought also to be of service to them in material blessings” (Romans 15:25-27, ESV).

Before his venture westward, Paul had already determined to head back east to deliver relief aid for (lit. “ministering” [διακονῶν]¹ to) “the poor among the saints at Jerusalem” (cf. v. 31),² a collection of funds he had been coordinating among the churches with whom he worked.³ The contributing congregations of “Macedonia” would have been those in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea,⁴ and in “Achaia” the brethren in Corinth, Cenchrea, and potentially Athens.⁵ Also participating were the churches of Galatia, most likely in Pisidian Antioch, Lystra, Derbe, and Iconium,⁶ while Christian communities in Asia were presumably involved as well.⁷ Noted twice, each emphatically (vv. 26, 27), Paul affirms “they were pleased” [εὐδόκησαν],⁸  indicative of their willingness and cheerfulness in giving (cf. 12:8),⁹ as they collectively participated in this “contribution” [κοινωνίαν] (cf. 12:13; 2 Cor. 8:4; 9:13).

Somewhat parallel to v. 16 concerning Paul’s priestly service among “Gentiles,” here he describes these generous contributors (in predominantly Gentile territories) as “debtors” [ὀφειλέται] (cf. 1:14; 8:12) who “owe” [ὀφείλουσιν] or “ought” (cf. v. 1) “to be of service” [λειτουργῆσαι]¹⁰ in view of the “spiritual” things [τοῖς πνευματικοῖς] “of them” [αὐτῶν] (their Jewish brethren) in which they “have shared” [ἐκοινώνησαν].¹¹ It was through the Jewish people that the Gentiles gained access to the saving message of the gospel (cf. 9:5; 11:11-15), so eagerness to assist in “material” (lit. “fleshly”)¹² things [τοῖς σαρκικοῖς] is a natural response (cf. Acts 11:27-30; 1 Cor. 9:11; Gal. 6:6-10).

“When therefore I have completed this and have delivered to them what has been collected [lit. ‘having sealed to them this fruit’]¹³—[fulfilled in Acts 21:15-19; 24:17]— I will leave for Spain by way of you—[cf. v. 24, unfulfilled in the biblical record]—I know that when I come to you I will come in the fullness [πλήρωμα] of the blessing [εὐλογία]¹⁴ of Christ”¹⁵ (Romans 15:28-29)—[inclusive of the prospect “that I may impart to you some spiritual gift to strengthen you” (1:11) and fulfilled in Acts 28:14-31]. 

EXCURSUS: DID PAUL EVER MAKE IT TO SPAIN?¹⁶

The historical record of Acts concludes with Paul having been incarcerated in Rome for two whole years (Acts 28:30), with no information about the outcome of his trial or of his death. If, at the time of writing, the apostle was still confined to house arrest and his future still uncertain, the abrupt ending is understandable. There was nothing further to report.¹⁷

Paul’s correspondence to Timothy and Titus, unlike his other extant writings, do not fit the framework of Acts. The simplest explanation is that they were penned after Acts was completed, thus comprising the final documents in the Pauline corpus. Near the end of his two-year detention in Rome, the apostle was anticipating probable release (Philem. 22; Phil. 1:19, 25-26; 2:24). That he did stand trial before Caesar is presupposed by the divine promise of Acts 27:24, and Paul later speaks of his “first defense” and deliverance (2 Tim. 4:16-17). 

It would appear that he did in fact regain his freedom and traveled to places like Macedonia, Greece, Asia Minor, Crete, and possibly also to Spain (1 Tim. 1:3; 3:14; Tit.1:5; 3:12; 2 Tim. 4:13, 20; cf. Philem. 22; Rom. 15:28). Imprisoned again at Rome, he writes his final apostolic manuscript as he anticipates imminent death (2 Tim. 1:16-17; 2:9; 4:6-8). According to early and consistent tradition, during Nero’s reign Paul suffered martyrdom, which would have been no earlier than summer of 64 (when Nero’s hostilities against Christians began) and no later than summer of 68 (when Nero committed suicide).¹⁸

Spring 62 (the close of the Acts narrative and completion of the prison epistles) would be the earliest possibility for Paul’s release from his first incarceration in the imperial city. His second Roman imprisonment and subsequent death would be no later than summer 68, allowing up to six years for further travels, evangelistic endeavors, and writing projects.  

Prior to his initial arrival in Rome, he had expressed his desire to take the gospel as far west as Spain, soliciting the support of the Roman Christians (Rom. 15:23-29). Although unforeseen circumstances altered the original plan, it is entirely possible that he went on to achieve this goal. It would have taken less than a week to sail from Italy to Spain. Clement of Rome, near the end of the first century, affirms that Paul preached the gospel in the extreme west of the Roman Empire, which at the time would have included Spain (I Clement 5.1-7). The second-century Muratorian Fragment (lines 38-39) and Acts of Peter take Paul’s Spanish journey for granted, as do the fourth-century testimonies of Cyril of Jerusalem and John Chrysostom.

----------- End of Excursus -----------

A Prayer Request and Prayer Wish

“I appeal to you, brothers, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by the love of the Spirit, to strive together with me in your prayers to God on my behalf, that I may be delivered from the unbelievers in Judea, and that my service for Jerusalem may be acceptable to the saints, so that by God’s will I may come to you with joy and be refreshed in your company. May the God of peace be with you all. Amen” (Romans 15:30-33).

Aware of the inevitable challenges ahead, the confidence expressed in the previous verses now submits to the divine will. Paul was a firm believer in and practitioner of prayer (cf. 1:9-10),¹⁹ often requesting the prayers of his “brothers” (incl. sisters) for him and his work.²⁰ Here the “appeal” [παρακαλῶ] (cf. 12:1; 16:17)²¹ is “through” [διά] “our Lord Jesus Christ,” and “through” [διά] “the love of the Spirit,”²² recalling the intercessory function of both (cf. 8:26-27, 34), and directed “to God.”²³ Seeing that “love” [ἀγάπη]²⁴ is listed among the “fruit” (note καρπός, v. 28) “of the Spirit” (Gal. 5:22), this and other spiritual traits “are the consequence of the self-forgetfulness that looks away from itself to God.”²⁵

Paul is asking that the Roman brethren not only pray for him but “to strive together with” [συναγωνίσασθαί]²⁶ him in prayer, indicative of the fervency with which Jesus prayed.²⁷ “What Paul asks is that they should join him in striving with all their might—in wrestling as it were—against the hostile forces which would frustrate his apostolic work.”²⁸ The threefold petition is: 

o   “that I may be delivered [ῥυσθῶ]²⁹ from the unbelievers in Judea” – answered affirmatively by God, as Paul was in fact delivered from unbelieving, antagonistic Jews (Acts 21:33-34; cf. 20:3, 22-23), although not without a great deal of distress and suffering. As a result of his arrest in Jerusalem, accompanied by violence and threats, he was sent to Caesarea (spending two years in prison) before heading to Rome.

o   “that my service [διακονία]³⁰ for Jerusalem may be acceptable to the saints” – answered with a resounding “yes,” as the brethren in Jerusalem received Paul gladly and rejoiced in his ministry (Acts 21:17-20a). However, his service was not accepted unconditionally. While numerous Jews in Jerusalem had come to believe in Christ, many of them viewed Paul with suspicion, as though he were a traitor to his nation and his cultural heritage. His effectiveness and influence among them, therefore, were compromised by this misguided perception. To show he had not completely forsaken his people or his past, Paul agreed to carry out a customary ritual in the temple (vv. 20-26). But his attempt to please his Jewish kinsmen led to further complications: falsely accused, dragged out of the temple, and nearly beaten to death by Jewish antagonists (vv. 27-33).  

o   “that by God's will I may come to you with joy and be refreshed in your company” (cf. 1:8-15). Apparently it was according to “God’s will” (cf. 1:10; 8:27), as Paul went on to safely arrive in Rome, although as a prisoner in chains following a number of near-death experiences (Acts 27:1–28:16). Whether his arrival was “with joy” might be debatable, but his prayer to “be refreshed in your company”³¹ did in fact eventuate (Acts 28:15-16; cf. Phil. 1:12-14, 18). 

No doubt Paul desired that his service to the Jerusalem saints would be received without reservation, but it was not. He likely would have wanted his deliverance from unbelievers to be void of pain and distress, but it was not. Surely he would rather have come to Rome as a free man, but he did not. Nevertheless, as a prisoner in Rome, looking back on these ordeals, Paul had to admit: “what has happened to me has really served to advance the gospel” (Phil. 1:12). And in the same setting he further reflected: “Now to him who is able to do far more abundantly than all that we ask or think, according to the power at work within us, to him be glory in the church and in Christ Jesus throughout all generations, forever and ever. Amen” (Eph. 3:20-21). God’s way may have been harder, but it was so much better.³²

Paul’s request for prayer concludes with a petition of his own: “May the God of peace be with you all. Amen.” This is the third prayer-wish of the chapter, the first offered to “the God of endurance and encouragement” (vv. 5-6), the second to “the God of hope” (v. 13), and here to “the God of peace [εἰρήνη]”³³ (cf. 16:20). Christian peace begins with the presence of God in our lives (cf. 5:1; 15:13) and extends to relationships within the body of Christ and beyond (cf. 12:18; 14:19). On the concluding “Amen,” see also 1:25; 9:5; 11:36; 16:27. 

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Elsewhere in Paul see 2 Cor. 3:3; 8:19-20; 1 Tim. 3:10, 13; 2 Tim. 1:18; Philem. 13. 

     ² Also called “the service [διακονία] for the saints,” incl. “fellowship” [κοινωνία] and “ministry” [λειτουργία] in 2 Cor. 8:4; 9:1, 12-13 (cf. 1 Cor. 16:15; Phil. 2:30). In response to the proscriptive reading of these texts to affirm “saints only” benevolence, see K. L. Moore, “Non-institutionalism (Part 1): Church Benevolence,” Moore Perspective (6 Nov. 2019), <Link>. On the “poor” among the Jewish people, see also Matt. 11:5; 19:21; 26:9, 11; Mark 12:42-43; Luke 4:18; 6:20; 14:13, 21; 19:8; John 13:29; 2 Cor. 9:9; Gal. 2:10; Jas. 2:2-6.

     ³ Acts 24:17; Gal. 2:10; 1 Cor. 16:1-4; 2 Cor. 8–9. “Without being in any way indebted to one another, and each contributing some new element, all the different accounts fit and dovetail into one another, and thus imply that they are all historical” (W. Sanday and H. C. Headlam, Romans 413). See K. L. Moore, “The Sunday Collection,” Moore Perspective (25 March 2015), <Link>.

     ⁴ Acts 16:9–17:14; cf. 1 Cor. 16:5; 2 Cor. 8:1–9:7. Representatives of the Thessalonica and Berea congregations helped deliver the funds (Acts 20:4), and Luke may have represented the church at Philippi (Acts 16:12; 20:6; cf. 2 Cor. 8:18-19). The generosity of the Philippi saints is further highlighted in Phil. 1:5-7; 2:25-30; 4:10-19.

     ⁵ Acts 17:24; 18:18, 27; 19:21; Rom. 16:1; cf. 2 Cor. 1:1; 9:2.

     ⁶ 1 Cor. 16:1; cf. Acts 13:14–16:6; 18:23; Gal. 1:2. Gaius of Derbe and Timothy of Lystra were part of the delegation that carried the funds to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4).

     ⁷ See Acts 20:4; 1 Cor. 16:1, 19. The Asian churches potentially included Troas, Ephesus, and perhaps Colosse, Laodicea, Hierapolis, Pergamos, Thyatira, Sardis, and Philadelphia (Acts 19:1–20:12; Col. 1:2; 2:1; 4:13-16; Rev. 1–3). In Polycarp’s Letter to the Philippians 11.3 (dated ca. 110), he indicates that when Paul wrote his letter to the Philippi saints around 62, the church did not yet exist in Smyrna.

     ⁸ This is the only time in Paul’s writings this verb applies to what other Christians are doing; elsewhere applicable to God (1 Cor. 1:21; 10:5; Gal. 1:15; Col. 1:19), to Paul and his immediate colleagues (2 Cor. 5:8; 12:10; 1 Thess. 2:8; 3:1), and once in a negative sense concerning those rejecting the truth (2 Thess. 2:12). 

     ⁹ See also 2 Cor. 8:2-5, 12; 9:7; cf. Acts 11:29; 1 John 5:3.

     ¹⁰ Cognate with the noun λειτουργός (cf. v. 16), the verbal λειτουργέω occurs only three times in the NT, here and in Acts 13:2; Heb. 10:11. Note comparable terminology with respect to secular affairs (Rom. 13:6, 8).

     ¹¹ The verbal κοινωνέω (to “share” or “participate in,” cf. also Rom. 12:13; Gal. 6:6; Phil. 4:15; 1 Tim. 5:22) “may be used either of the giver or of the receiver. The giver shares with the receiver by giving contributions … the receiver with the giver by receiving contributions, so here” (W. Sanday and H. C. Headlam, Romans 412).

     ¹² Cf. 1 Cor. 9:11.

     ¹³ Paul has also used “fruit” [καρπός] imagery in Rom. 1:13; 6:21-23. See also Matt. 3:8, 10; 7:16-20; 12:33; 21:43; Luke 3:8-9; 6:43-44; 8:8; John 4:36; 12:24; 15:2-16; Gal. 5:22; Eph. 5:9; Phil. 1:11, 22; 4:17; Heb. 12:11; 13:15; Jas. 3:17, 18. To “seal” [σφραγίζω] is to place a mark of ownership (cf. Rom. 4:11; 2 Cor. 1:22; Eph. 1:13; 4:30), acknowledging these contributed funds as “fruit” ultimately attributed to the divine source. 

     ¹⁴ The same word is used of deceptive “praise” in Rom. 16:18.

     ¹⁵ The BMT and TR include τοῦ εὐαγγελίου (“of the gospel”) … (cf. Rom. 1:1, 9, 16; 2:16; 10:16; 11:28; 15:16, 19; 16:25).

     ¹⁶ See K. L. Moore, “What Happened After Acts?” in Entrusted with the Faith, ed. D. Y. Burleson (Delight, AR: Gospel Light, 2018): 79-82. 

     ¹⁷ Although weighty attention in Luke’s writings is given to Jerusalem, nothing is said of the fall of Jerusalem (summer of 70), presumably because it had not yet occurred. There is no mention of the Neronian persecution (64-68), even though the story of Acts ends in Rome. While Luke tells of the martyrdoms of both Stephen and the apostle James (Acts 7:57-60; 12:2), there is no record of the death of the Lord’s brother James (who was killed in Jerusalem in the summer of 62), even though he is a prominent figure in Acts (1:14; 12:17; 15:13; 21:18). Despite Luke’s long-time relationship with Paul, he betrays no knowledge of the apostle’s letters or even mentions that Paul wrote letters. While this raises some intriguing questions, the further in history Luke-Acts is chronologized the more inexplicable this becomes. By the mid-60s the Pauline writings were recognized (at least from Asia Minor to Rome) as a well-known collection and regarded as scripture (2 Pet. 3:15-16).

     ¹⁸ See Tacitus, Annals 15.38-44; Suetonius, Life of Nero 16.2; Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 3.1.3; 2.25.1-8; I Clement 5.1-7; the Acts of Paul; the Acts of Peter; and John Chrysostom, Oppugnatores Vitae Monasticae 1.3.

     ¹⁹ See also Eph. 1:16; Phil. 1:3-4; Col. 1:9-12; 1 Thess. 1:2; 3:10; 2 Thess. 1:11.

     ²⁰ Cf. 2 Cor. 1:11; Eph. 6:19-20; Phil. 1:19; Col. 4:3, 4; 1 Thess. 5:25; 2 Thess. 3:1-2; Philem. 22.

     ²¹ The παρακαλέω (“I appeal”) formula serves a transitional function in Paul’s writings, with a change of subject and often disclosing the main purpose of the letter (D. E. Aune, NT Literary Environment 188). 

     ²² Paul’s allusions to “love” in conjunction with the “spirit” [πνεῦμα] could refer to the human spirit from which love emanates (cf. Rom. 1:9; 8:16b; 12:11; note also 1:4; 2:29; 7:6; 8:10, 15).

     ²³ Cf. Matt. 6:9; Luke 11:2; John 15:16; 16:23; Eph. 1:3; 3:14; 5:20; Col. 1:3; 3:17; Jas. 1:5. See K. L. Moore, “May We Pray to Jesus?” Moore Perspective (21 Nov. 2014), <Link>.

     ²⁴ Here Paul speaks of the love of the Spirit; elsewhere in Romans the love of God (5:5, 8; 8:39), of Christ (8:35), and toward one another (12:9; 13:10; 14:15). 

     ²⁵ C. K. Barrett, Freedom and Obligation 77. Comparing the “works of the flesh” and “fruit of the Spirit” (Gal. 5:19-23), “the different contents of the two lists likewise suggest a contrast between activity and character. Where the one list breathes an air of anxious self-assertiveness and frenetic self-indulgence, the other speaks more of concern for others, serenity, resilience and reliability. The first list is all about human manipulation of others for selfish ends, the second all about the divine enabling and engracing which brings about a transformation from inside out, from character to conduct” (J. D. G. Dunn, Theology of Galatians 111).

     ²⁶ The verbal συναγωνίζομαι, a hapax legomenon in the Greek NT, is a combination of σύν (“with”) + ἀγωνίζομαι (to “struggle,” “strive,” “contend”), the latter used in Luke 13:24; John 18:36; 1 Cor. 9:25; Col. 1:29; 1 Tim. 4:10; 6:12; 2 Tim. 4:7.

     ²⁷ Matt. 26:36-44; Luke 22:44; Heb. 5:7. On the textual variation of Luke 22:43-44, which UBS⁵/NA²⁸ enclose in double square brackets, see P. W. Comfort, A Commentary on the Text and Manuscripts of the NT 235-36; B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek NT (2nd ed.) 151. Nevertheless, unlike other textual variants, this passage does not depend on parallel accounts or provide an explanation to the narrative. As a physician Luke would surely have an interest in bloody sweat, and angelic activity is thematic in his writings (Luke 1:11-19, 26-38; 2:9-13, 15, 21; 4:10; 9:26; 12:8-9; 15:10; 16:22; 20:36; [22:43]; 24:23; Acts 5:19; 6:15; 7:30, 35, 38, 53; 8:26; 10:3, 7, 22; 11:13; 12:7-11, 15, 23; 23:8-9; 27:23).

     ²⁸ J. Denney, “Romans” 717; “for all prayer is a spiritual wrestling against opposing powers” (W. Sanday and H. C. Headlam, Romans 415).

     ²⁹ The verb ῥύομαι, rendered here “delivered” (ESV), “rescued” (NASB), “kept safe” (NIV), always applies in the NT, often in conjunction with prayer, to divine rescuing: in Romans, cf. also 7:24-25; 11:26; elsewhere in Paul, 2 Cor. 1:10-11; Col. 1:13; 1 Thess. 1:10; 2 Thess. 3:1-2; 2 Tim. 3:11; 4:17-18; and outside of Paul, Matt. 6:13; 27:43; Luke 1:74; [11:4, BMT/TR]; 2 Pet. 2:7, 9.  

     ³⁰ Cf. also Rom. 11:13; 12:7; descriptive of the particular service of benevolence in 2 Cor. 5:18; 8:4; 9:1, 12-13; cf. Acts 11:29.

     ³¹ The compound συναναπαύομαι is a hapax legomena in the Greek NT, a combination of σύν (“with”) + ἀναπαύω (to “give rest” or “refresh”); cf. 1 Cor. 16:18; 2 Cor. 7:13; Philem. 7, 20.

     ³² If Paul’s service in Jerusalem had been accepted unconditionally (as he wanted), the chain of events which eventually took him to Rome likely would not have occurred, and consequently so many would have missed out on the Lord’s great blessings through the ministry of this dedicated apostle. The point is, Paul's prayers were answered by God, not necessarily the way he wanted, but obviously so much better than he even knew how to ask!

     ³³ In Romans the noun εἰρήνη occurs in 1:7; 2:10; 3:17; 5:1; 8:6; 14:17, 19; 15:13, 33; 16:20; verbal εἰρηνεύω in 12:18.

Related Posts: Rom 15:14-16, Paul's Apostolic Ministry (Part 2), Romans 16

 

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