“Greet Prisca and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus, who risked their necks for my life, to whom not only I give thanks but all the churches of the Gentiles give thanks as well. Greet also the church in their house” (Romans 16:3-5a, ESV).
Who Are Prisca and Aquila?
Paul’s first and most extensive greeting in the final chapter of Romans is to “Prisca and Aquila,” aptly considered the “most prominent couple involved in the first-century expansion of Christianity ...”1 They are named six times in four NT books and always together.2 “Aquila” [Ἀκύλας], whose name is of Latin derivation meaning “eagle,”3 was an ethnic Jew originally from Pontus in north-central Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He was married to “Prisca” [Πρίσκα], her formal Latin-based name, who was also known by the lengthened version “Priscilla” [Πρίσκιλλα],4 meaning “ancient” or “venerable.” Textual variants notwithstanding, Paul was accustomed to using formal names (e.g., Prisca, Sosipater, Silvanus),5 whereas Luke favored the more conventional forms (Priscilla, Sopater, Silas).6
In contrast to the customary practice of naming the husband first, Paul reverses the order here, as both he and Luke do in other places as well (Acts 18:18, 26;7 2 Tim. 4:19). On all four occasions, authorial explanations are lacking. Rather than suggesting a more prominent leadership role in the church,8 which is not only “exegetically irresponsible”9 but is inconsistent with what Paul explicitly teaches elsewhere,10 the naming of Aquila first in other passages (Acts 18:2; 1 Cor. 16:19) cancels out this unwarranted assumption.
Some have theorized that Prisca may have been of higher social standing, whether from a prestigious Roman family (thus ethnically non-Jewish) or emancipated therefrom.11 Yet for Paul, social status was irrelevant in the Lord (cf. 12:3-16),12 and this explanation does not account for Aquila’s name preceding hers elsewhere. Perhaps Prisca was more outgoing or better known to the reading audiences, whether personally or by reputation. While it could be as simple as stylistic variety accentuating neither spouse, it is interesting to note that when Paul sends greetings to the couple, Prisca is named first (Rom. 6:3; 2 Tim. 4:19), and when he sends greetings from them, Aquila is named first (1 Cor. 16:19).13
Fellow-workers
Paul acknowledges Prisca and Aquila as “fellow workers [συνεργοί] in Christ Jesus,”14 along with so many others (vv. 6, 9, 12, 21)15 laboring in partnership with God.16 They “risked their necks” for his life, although specific accounts are unrecorded. Their Christian faith and association with a firebrand like Paul left them susceptible to inevitable dangers and hardships. The biblical record traces their movements from Rome to Corinth around the year 49 (Acts 18:1-2),17 from Corinth to Ephesus early 52 (Acts 18:18-19; 1 Cor. 16:19), from Ephesus to Rome by late 56 (Rom. 16:3-5),18 and then from Rome, prior to Nero’s persecution, back to Ephesus approximately seven-and-a-half years later (2 Tim. 4:19). It is possible that their tentmaking business, which may have included producing a variety of leather and woven goods (e.g., booths, canopies, awnings), had branches in multiple centers, enabling them to move freely between Rome, Corinth, and Ephesus.19
Paul first encountered the couple when he arrived in Corinth by late autumn of the year 50,20 though it is unclear in the Acts narrative whether or not they were already Christians at the time. Paul’s association with them began because of a shared ethnic heritage and tentmaking vocation, and he was a guest in their home (Acts 18:2-3).21 The first reported converts in Corinth were not Prisca and Aquila but the respective households of Stephanas and Crispus, along with Gaius and presumably Titius Justus (Acts 18:7-8; 1 Cor 1:14-16; 16:15). It is not improbable, therefore, that Prisca and Aquila were already Christians before leaving Rome, “founder-members, perhaps, of the Roman church.”22
Along with Paul they could have been forced to leave Corinth and later Ephesus (Acts 18:12-19; 19:23–20:1). The last time they were all together, prior to the writing of Romans, was in Ephesus where the trials they faced were excessive and life-threatening (1 Cor. 15:30-32a; 16:19; 2 Cor. 1:8-10).23
Equitable Service
Not only was Paul grateful for their labors and partnership in the Lord’s work, “but all the churches of the Gentiles give thanks as well.” Although Prisca’s ethnicity is unknown for sure, Aquila was Jewish (Acts 18:2), so the observation here exemplifies what Paul has stressed throughout the letter concerning Jew-Gentile “one-another-ness” in God’s family.24 This couple had been instrumental in planting and/or growing Christian communities in the predominantly Gentile territories of Achaia, Asia, and now back in Italy,25 thus “the self-giving activity of Prisca and Aquila for the churches emphasizes interchurch solidarity ...”26
Hosting a House Church
“Greet also the church [ἐκκλησία]27 in their house.” The regular assembling of a local group of disciples requires a place to meet.28 While various gathering places are noted in scripture,29 a family’s residence proved to be most expedient for many first-century churches, esp. when the nucleus of the church was the household. Christians assembled in private homes in Jerusalem (Acts 12:5, 12), Philippi (Acts 16:40), Corinth (Rom. 16:23), Colosse (Philem. 2), Laodicea (Col. 4:15), and Rome (Rom. 16:5).30 Allusions to what appears to be at least two other groups of Christians in Rome and possibly four (vv. 10, 11, 14, 15) provide no details about their meeting facilities.
The first assembly place of the Corinth church may have been Prisca and Aquila’s house (Acts 18:1-11).31 When the couple relocated to Ephesus to initiate the Lord’s work, Apollos was among the earliest converts (Acts 18:18-26) along with others, presupposed by “the brethren” [οἱ ἀδελφοί] writing a letter of commendation to accompany him to Achaia (Acts 18:27). About three years later Prisca and Aquila were still in Ephesus and the church was meeting in their home (1 Cor. 16:19). By the time the letter to the Romans was written (winter 56-57), the couple was back in Rome hosting another house church.
1 J. Murphy-O’Connor, “Prisca and Aquila,” BRev 8.6 (1992): 40.
2 Acts 18:1-3, 18-28; 1 Cor. 16:19; Rom. 16:3-4; 2 Tim. 4:19.
3 This name appears in Roman inscriptions around twenty-eight times, indicative of eastern provenance, four of which are references to slaves. See P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-70, 181; “Aquila” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 1:319-20.
4 The TR reads “Priscilla” in Rom. 16:3, whereas “Prisca” is decisively confirmed by the weight of textual data as per the manuscripts underlying the BMT, NA28/UBS5, and external evidence (see B. M. Metzger, Textual Commentary [2nd ed.] 475).
5 Rom. 16:3, 21; 1 Cor. 16:19; 2 Cor. 1:19; 1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1; 2 Tim. 4:19. If the name “Priscilla” in the BMT/TR reading of 1 Cor. 16:19 was merely an attempt to harmonize Luke and Paul, why does “Prisca” in the textual tradition of Acts not occur? (D. A. Kurek-Chomycz, “Is There an ‘Anti-Priscan’ Tendency,” JBL 125:1 [2006]: 109).
6 Acts 15:22–18:26; 20:4.
7 In Acts 18:26 Priscilla’s name is placed before Aquila’s in the standard NA28/UBS5 text, whereas the reverse order appears in the BMT/TR. It is reasonable to suggest that the former reading “must be accepted as original, for there was always a tendency among scribes to change the unusual to the usual” (B. M. Metzger, Textual Commentary [2nd ed.] 413-14; cf. also 402-403, 407). On a presumed antifeminist scribal tendency, see B. M. Metzger and B. D. Ehrman, The Text of the NT 290; J. H. Ropes, The Text of Acts ccxxxiv; B. Witherington III, “The Anti-Feminist Tendencies,” JBL 103 (1984): 82-84. But D. A. Kurek-Chomycz sensibly observes, “In most cases, however, one can think of a variety of other reasons that may have induced the scribes to modify a given text. What is more, since we do not have access to the minds of the copyists, which could allow us to establish their intentions and motives for introducing particular changes, we can only speculate, with greater or lesser probability, on why and how certain readings have come about” (“Is There an ‘Anti-Priscan’ Tendency” 107-128).
8 C. E. B. Cranfield, Critical Romans 2:784; K. M. Elliott, Women in Ministry 14-15; R. H. Rowland, I Permit Not a Woman To Remain Shackled 73-77; K. Schenck, A Biblical Argument for Women in Ministry and Leadership 22-23. Because of her comparative prominence, it has also been suggested that she may have authored the NT book of Hebrews (A. von Harnack, The Bible Status of Woman 392-415; R. Hoppin, Priscilla’s Letter 11-122). However, the masculine participle διηγούμενον (“recounting”) in Heb. 11:32 implicitly identifies the author as male. For a recent refutation of the Priscillan authorship theory, see B. J. Jeffries, “Hebrews, She Wrote?” JETS 67.1 (2024): 47-66.
9 D. B. Wallace, “Aquila and Priscilla,” Bible.org (retrieved 3 May 2024), <Web>.
10 1 Cor. 14:34-35; Eph. 5:22-33; Col. 3:18-19; 1 Tim. 2:8-15; 3:1-13. See K. L. Moore, “The Bible’s Radical View on Women,” Moore Perspective (6 March 2019), <Link>.
11 R. H. Finger, Paul and Roman House Churches 33-34; J. Murphy-O’Connor, “Prisca and Aquila” 44; F. F. Bruce, The Book of Acts 348; The Pauline Circle 45. There are thirty-one Roman inscriptions with a form of this name belonging to (freed) female slaves, but the designation συνεργοί (“coworkers”) may suggest a background among freeborn persons (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 181-83; “Prisca/Priscilla” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 5:467-468).
12 1 Cor. 1:26; 7:17-24; 12:12-13; Gal. 3:26-28; Col. 3:11; Philem. 10-17.
13 F. F. Bruce reasons that if Paul was in their home while 1 Corinthians was being dictated/written, Prisca may have insisted that her husband be named first (The Pauline Circle 44-45).
14 The prepositional phrase “in Christ Jesus” [ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ] (cf. vv. 7, 9, 10), comparable to “in the Lord” (vv. 2, 8, 11, 12, 13), extends the working relationship beyond the secular tentmaking trade.
15 1 Cor. 3:9; 2 Cor. 1:24; 6:1; 8:23; Phil. 2:25; 4:3; Col. 4:11; 1 Thess. 3:2; Philem. 1, 24; outside of Paul, the only other occurrence of συνεργοί (“coworkers”) in the NT is 3 John 8. “The term always denotes work in ministry, but the kind of ministry undertaken is not specified …” (D. J. Moo, Romans 920 n.14).
16 1 Cor. 3:9; 2 Cor. 6:1; 1 Thess. 3:2; although in the Thessalonian text there are five different readings among the various witnesses: (a) “God’s coworker,” (b) “coworker,” (c) “God’s servant,” (d) “servant and God’s coworker,” (e) “God’s servant and our coworker” (see B. M. Metzger, Text of the NT [4th ed.] 337-38).
17 Claudius dispelled Jews from Rome in the year 49 (his ninth year as emperor), the dating of which comes primarily from the fifth-century historian Paulus Orosius (Hist. Adv. Pag.7.6.15-16). Even though there is a degree of uncertainty as to the exactness of this date, it is consistent with other chronological data and is based on historical information available to Orosius that is no longer extant (see R. Riesner, Paul’s Early Period 201).
18 The edict of Claudius was presumably rescinded when he died October 54. “The return of the couple to Rome could be conceivable as a ‘strategic’ move previously agreed upon with Paul” (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 158; cf. also “Roman Christians” 220; J. Murphy O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life 328).
19 P. W. Barnett, “Tentmaking” in DPL 926; F. F. Bruce, Paul, Apostle of the Heart Set Free 250-51.
20 Lucius Junius Gallio Novatianus (a.k.a. Gallio, son of Seneca the Elder and brother of Seneca the Younger) began his one-year office as proconsul of Achaia in June 51 (cf. Acts 18:2, 12). The Gallio inscription, discovered at Delphi and published in 1905 (with additional fragments found and then published in 1970), dates between April and July 52, from which it can be deduced that Gallio was proconsul of Achaia in the previous year. Paul’s eighteen-months’ ministry in Corinth would therefore date between autumn 50 and spring 52. See R. Riesner, Paul’s Early Period 162-79, 190-93; J. Murphy-O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life 9-10, 15-16; D. J. Theron, Evidence of Tradition 12-13; F. F. Bruce, Book of Acts 347 n.9.
21 After Aquila and Priscilla moved away from Corinth, Paul stayed with Gaius on a return visit (Rom. 16:23).
22 F. F. Bruce, Book of Acts 347; cf. also The Pauline Circle 46. P. Lampe reasons that Luke understandably refrained from describing them as Christians prior to Paul’s arrival in Corinth because the primary thrust of the narrative is the apostle and his church planting work (From Paul to Valentinus 11-13).
23 The first-person plurals (“we,” “us”) are inclusive of Paul’s companions as fellow-sufferers. As in Corinth and other places, Paul would have been provided accommodation in Ephesus, and the home of Prisca and Aquila, likely available to him, would have been a target of hostilities (compare Acts 17:5-9).
24 Note also Paul’s emphasis on the inclusion of Gentiles in God’s family (Rom. 3:29; 9:24, 30; 11:25; 15:12-27).
25 “That Aquila and Prisca, immediately after their expulsion from Rome, so unreservedly joined in the work of the Pauline mission to the Gentiles in Corinth … raises the possibility that they had been accustomed to living together with Gentile Christians already …” (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 69).
26 J. T. Hughes, Ecclesial Solidarity 145. Note also Mary in v. 6.
27 Note that the Christians assembling in Prisca and Aquila’s home are called a “church” [ἐκκλησία] (v. 1), while the group referenced in v. 14 are “brothers” [ἀδελφοί] and those in v. 15 are “saints” [ἅγιοι]. These terms, as understood and consistently used by Paul, do not distinguish these groups as much as describing them as independent yet unified within the same community.
28 Acts 11:26; 12:5, 12; 14:27; 15:30; 20:7-8; 1 Cor. 5:5; 11:17-20, 33-34; 14:3-5, 12-26; Heb. 10:24-25; Jas. 2:2.
29 Acts 2:46; 5:12; 16:13; 19:8-10; 20:7-8; 26:11; Jas. 2:2; cf. also Matt. 3:1; 4:23; 5:1; 9:35; 12:9; 13:1, 54; 14:13-15; 15:29; 21:14, 23; 24:1; et al.
30 Cf. also Acts 5:42; 16:34; 17:5; 18:7; 20:7-8, 20. As Saul persecuted the Jerusalem “church,” comprised of thousands of Christians, he targeted “the houses” (Acts 8:3; cf. 2:46). Consider also the Lord’s frequent use of private homes during his public ministry (Matt. 9:10-13, 28; 10:14; 12:46–13:1, 36; 17:25; 26:6, 18; Mark 1:29, 33; 2:1-2, 15; 3:19-20; 5:38; 7:17; 9:33; et al.).
31 R. Jewett, “Tenement Churches and Communal Meals,” BibRes 38 (1993): 25. Another possibility, based on Acts 18:7, is the home of Titius Justus (C. E. B. Cranfield, Critical Romans 2:807).
32 A. A. Bell, Jr., Exploring the NT World 207; E. Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity (3rd ed.) 140; R. Jewett, “Tenement Churches” 23-43. The term οἶκος (“house”) could apply to any dwelling place or home or household. In Palestine the typical family residence was apparently rather small, as Jesus referred to a single lamp lighting an entire house (Matt. 5:15; cf. Luke 8:16).
33 See G. Theissen, Social Setting 73-96; “Social Structure” 65-84; A. J. Malherbe, Social Aspects 76.
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