Showing posts with label introduction. Show all posts
Showing posts with label introduction. Show all posts

Wednesday, 3 August 2016

Introducing the Book of Hebrews: Audience, Date and Purpose

     One cannot rightly discern or fully appreciate the message of Hebrews without due consideration to background information and contextual matters. For whom was the document intended, where does it fit in the historical narrative, and why was it written?
Destination and Readership
     There is no consensus among biblical scholars regarding the intended audience of Hebrews.1 It is apparent that a particular community is in view, since they have a definite history (2:3; 6:10; 10:32-34; 12:4; 13:17; cf. 5:11 ff.; 6:9-10), have obvious links with the writer(s) (13:18, 19, 23), and comprise a section of a larger brotherhood (5:12; 10:25; 13:24). The most prevalent view, which is not without justification, is that Hebrews is addressed to a community of Jewish Christians who are linguistically and culturally Hellenistic.
     While various destinations have been proposed,2 the most prevalent views focus on either Jerusalem or Rome. The Jerusalem proposal has in its favor the ancient title of the document (“To Hebrews”), although the ascription is probably secondary. It is unlikely that the document’s style of Greek, along with copious quotations from the LXX (Greek OT), would have been addressed to Aramaic-speaking Jews in Judea. Seeing that Christian martyrdom began at Jerusalem (Acts 7:54–8:3; 9:1; 12:1-4), it would have been incorrect to say to the disciples there, “you have not yet resisted to bloodshed” (Heb. 12:4 NKJV). At least some of the Jerusalem Christians would have personally seen and heard the Lord (Heb. 2:3), and the apparent generosity of the addressees (Heb. 6:10; 10:34; 13:16) is inconsistent with the poverty of the Jerusalem saints (cf. Acts 11:29; Rom. 15:26). The charge of spiritual immaturity (Heb. 5:12-14) would seem out of place if directed to the well-established Jerusalem church.
     Rome as the destination of Hebrews is favored by the majority of modern scholars.3 Hebrews was first attested at Rome, quoted by Clement of Rome in his letter to the Corinthians (ca. AD 95-96).4 The statement in Heb. 13:24 (“those from Italy greet you”) may be a reference to Italians away from Italy who are sending greetings home (N.B. apo [‘from’] rather than en [‘in’] Italy). Timothy (Heb. 13:24) was known to the Roman Christians (Rom. 16:21; Phil. 1:1; 2:19; Col. 1:1; Philm. 1; cf. 2 Tim. 4:9, 13). The “great struggle with sufferings” (Heb. 10:32) could be a reference to Claudius’ edict of 49 (cf. Acts 18:2), though less likely to Nero’s persecution that began in 64. The Christian message was confirmed to the readers by eyewitnesses of Christ (Heb. 2:3), and among the first hearers of the gospel on Pentecost were “visitors from Rome” (Acts 2:10), not to mention Peter’s probable work in Rome (cf. 1 Pet. 5:13). The issue of food laws (Heb. 13:9) is comparable to that addressed in Romans 15. If Hebrews was addressed to a smaller group within a larger community (as noted above), this accords well with what appears to have been the situation in Rome (Rom. 16:3-16).
Date of Writing
     Hebrews would have to be dated prior to the mid-90s, since it was quoted by Clement of Rome and had already achieved a status of authority by that time. Factors which point to a date prior to late summer 70 (when Jerusalem and the temple were destroyed) include the following. The Levitical ritual system is discussed in the present tense (Heb. 7:8; 8:4; 9:6-7, 9, 13; 13:10), suggesting that it had not yet ceased to function.5 If the old Jewish structure had already passed away, it is inexplicable that no mention of this is made when such would have given conclusive proof to the main argument of Hebrews. Seeing that the old system was “ready to vanish away” (Heb. 8:13), a date relatively near mid-70, but certainly not after, is preferable. The Jewish revolt broke out in 66 (although the attitudes that sparked it were present much earlier), which prompted a wave of patriotic nationalism that tempted many Jewish Christians to revert to Judaism. It seems reasonable to assign a date to the writing of Hebrews to sometime prior to the temple’s destruction in 70, but precisely how much earlier is indeterminable. The year 65 is commonly suggested by conservative commentators.6
Occasion and Purpose
     The main theme of Hebrews is the absoluteness of the Christian religion and its superiority over the old system of Judaism.7 The recipients had been Christians long enough that they should have been teachers themselves but were still relatively immature in their faith (Heb. 5:11-12). “In the first flush of Christian enthusiasm they had joyfully accepted the loss of all things. But the years had taken their toll. That first enthusiasm had died out. Hope itself was fading from view. Some of them were neglecting the public assembly (Heb. 10:25). There were signs not only of slipping but of complete and irrevocable apostasy (Heb. 6:1-6; 10:26-31)” (N. R. Lightfoot, Jesus Christ Today 36).
     The epistle describes itself as a “word of exhortation” (Heb. 13:22). D. Guthrie observes that the message is “not to be regarded as a theological treatise or an intellectual exercise, but as a burning issue of vital practical importance…. the readers needed to be warned against turning away from Christianity” (NT Introduction 704, 710).
Conclusion
     Hebrews makes a lot more sense when read through the lens of its original audience and historical-cultural setting. By thus discerning what was intended, modern-day Christians are much better equipped to understand and apply the timeless message of Hebrews.
--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:
     1 Proposed recipients include Jewish Christians, former Jewish proselytes, Essene priests or former members of the Qumran community, semi-Essene-proto-Ebionites, or Gentile Christians. The title Pros Hebraious (“To Hebrews”), probably appended later for convenient reference, is not a conclusive indicator. W. G. Kümmel comments: “Heb[rews] knows nothing of any hostility between Jews and Gentiles, has not once the words ‘Jew’ and ‘Gentile,’ and the author writes to Christians as Christians” (Introduction 400).
     2 These include Palestine (esp. Jerusalem), Syria (esp. Antioch), Asia Minor (esp. Colosse or Ephesus), Greece (esp. Corinth), North Africa (esp. Alexandria), Italy (esp. Rome), and Caesarea.
     3 N. R. Lightfoot candidly observes: “the apparent strength of such arguments is due simply to the fact that no better solution to the problem has been offered” (Jesus Christ Today 35). For objections to a Roman destination, see D. Guthrie, NT Introduction 714.
     4 It is possible to date Clement’s letter as early as 68-70 (cf. J. A. T. Robinson, Redating the NT 327-35).
     5 While this argument may not in itself be decisive (cf. D. A. Carson and D. J. Moo, An Introduction to the NT 606-07; B. Lindars, Theology of Hebrews 4-19), it is hard to read passages like Heb. 10:1-2 and not draw this conclusion, where it is said of the law that “it can never, by the same sacrifices that are continually offered every year, make perfect those who draw near. Otherwise, would they not have ceased to be offered…?” How could this statement have been made if the sacrificial system was no longer operable? If the Jewish sacrifices had in fact ceased (at the temple’s destruction), failure to mention this extraordinarily significant detail in the argument of Hebrews is inconceivable.
     6 If Paul is considered to have had a part in the composition of Hebrews (see Authorship of Hebrews Part 1 & Part 2), a date no earlier than 64 or 65 (and not considerably later) would seem reasonable. Paul was anticipating death when 2 Timothy was written, during which time Timothy was free (4:6-9), and no indication is given in any of the Pauline writings that Timothy had ever been imprisoned (in contrast to Heb. 13:23).
     7 Note the frequent use of kreittōn (“better”): Heb. 1:4; 6:9; 7:7, 19, 22; 8:6 [x2]; 9:23; 10:34; 11:16, 35, 40; 12:24 = 13x (in the rest of the NT only 6x). Note also the emphasis on aiōnios (“eternal”): Heb. 5:9; 6:2; 9:12, 14, 15; 13:20 = 6x.


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Tuesday, 17 May 2016

Introducing the Gospel of John

     The official record of the life, ministry, and teachings of Jesus Christ is preserved in the accounts of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. While each is written by a different author, to a different audience, for a different purpose, the first three are linked together as the Synoptic Gospels because of their similarities in content, vocabulary, and arrangement. The fourth, however, stands on its own as a unique witness.
Authorship
     Authorship of the Fourth Gospel has historically been attributed to John the apostle, although the writer does not explicitly identify himself in the text. The evidence confirms that the author was a Palestinian Jew, exhibiting detailed knowledge of local topography (cf. 1:44; 2:1; 9:7; 4:5-6, 21; 11:18; 18:1). He reflects personal acquaintance with conservative Judaism and Jewish tradition (e.g. 1:19-28; 4:9, 20). He was accustomed to thinking in Aramaic, as Aramaic terms are frequently used and then explained (cf. 1:42; 5:2; 19:13, 17, 20; 20:16). Old Testament quotations are closer in form to the Hebrew than to the Greek (cf. 12:40; 13:18; 19:37).
     He was an eyewitness (1:14; 19:35; cf. 2:6; 4:6; 12:3, 5; chaps. 18–19) and one of the twelve apostles. He is self-described as “the disciple” (21:24) and “the beloved disciple” (13:23; 18:15-16; 19:26-27; 20:2-9),1 near Jesus at the last supper where only the twelve were present (Matt. 26:20; Mark 14:17; Luke 22:14). The author is not to be identified as any of the apostles mentioned by name in the Fourth Gospel, and neither John nor his brother James is named. James dies fairly early in the history of the church (Acts 12:2), whereas our author lived long enough to add weight to the rumor that he would not die (John 21:23).
     The “beloved disciple” is regularly in the company of Simon Peter, and elsewhere in the New Testament this is the apostle John (Mark 5:37; 9:2; 14:33; Acts 3:1–4:23; 8:15–25; Gal. 2:9). The most obvious candidate for authorship of the Fourth Gospel is John the son of Zebedee, further confirmed by the consistent testimony of the early church.2
Date of writing
     John’s Gospel was probably written near the close of the first century, sometime between 80-95.3 According to ancient testimony, the apostle John lived into the reign of Trajan (who reigned 98-117) and was the last of the New Testament writers to compose a Gospel.4 The fact that no mention is made of the temple’s destruction would argue against a date shortly after 70 but could be explained by a date considerably later, especially if written for a non-Jewish audience far away from Palestine. John makes no mention of the Sadducees, who dwindled to the point of insignificance after 70. The John Rylands Fragment (P52), containing a portion of John 18, dates around 125, which gives plenty of time for the document to have been copied and circulated as far as Egypt, where the fragment was discovered.
Audience and Destination
     The Gospel seems to have been written with a Gentile audience in mind, since Jewish conventions are explained apparently for the benefit of those who were unfamiliar with them (e.g. 19:31). Certain feasts are particularly identified as Jewish: “the Passover of the Jews” (2:13; 6:4; 11:55); “the Tabernacles, the feast of the Jews” (7:2). Jewish customs are noted and clarified: purification (2:6; cf. 11:55), ethnic exclusivism (4:9), and the Sabbath (19:31). Aramaic words are both transliterated and translated into Greek: Kēphas (1:42), Bēthzatha (5:2), Silōam (9:7), Gabbatha (19:13), Golgotha (19:17), and rabbouni (20:16). Palestinian geographical features are carefully described: “Bethany … across the Jordan” (1:28), “Cana of Galilee” (2:1, 11; 4:46; 21:2), “Aenon near Salem” (3:23), “Bethany near Jerusalem” (11:18), and “Bethsaida of Galilee” (12:21). Further, the Sea of Galilee is identified as “the Sea of Tiberias” (6:1; 21:1), the name used in the latter part of the first century and employed in Greco-Roman texts.
     Early tradition places the origin and destination of the Gospel in Asia Minor, particularly Ephesus.5 The writing was reportedly at the request of area congregations, as a summary of John’s teaching about the life of Jesus, to meet a need that was affecting the church near the close of the first century.
Distinctive Features
     Despite a number of similarities between John and the other Gospels, John omits several things that are characteristic of the others6 and records a great deal of material not found in them.7 John recounts much more of Jesus’ ministry in Judea than in Galilee, whereas the focus of the other Gospels is the opposite. There is more of Jesus’ teaching about the Holy Spirit than in any other Gospel. The teaching in John tends to expound abstract themes like phōs (‘light’ 23x), zōē (‘life’ 36x), agapē/agapaō (‘love’ 34x), and alētheia (‘truth’ 25x). John presents large amounts of discourse material and records seven statements of Christ in which the emphatic egō eimi (“I am”) expression is employed (6:35; 8:12; 10:9, 11; 11:25; 14:6; 15:5). The designation “son of man” is less prolific in John than in the Synoptics, while “Son of God” appears more often. In John’s Gospel Jesus is explicitly identified as “God” (1:1-3; 5:18; 10:33; 20:28; cf. 8:58).
Purpose and Structure
     John clearly states his objective in 20:30-31 as follows: “Indeed therefore Jesus also did many other signs in the presence of his disciples which are not written in this document, but these have been written that you might believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that believing you might have life in his name.” The Gospel is arranged to achieve this goal.
     The prologue (1:1-18) provides an introduction to the Gospel, identifying Jesus as the preexistent, embodied Logos (Word) of God who reveals the heavenly Father to mankind. Next is an overview of the Lord’s public ministry (1:19–11:45), focusing on just seven of his miracles (2:1-11; 4:43-54; 5:1-9; 6:1-5, 16-25; 9:1-41; 11:1-44) and calling them sēmeiōn (“signs”). This so-called “book of signs” emphasizes that which points to and authenticates the Lord’s identity and role. The story then moves toward Christ’s glorification through his death and resurrection (11:46–20:31), and the section ends with a statement of the Gospel’s purpose. Finally, the epilogue (21:1-25) concludes the writing by recounting another post-resurrection appearance of Jesus and the recommissioning of his disciples.
Conclusion
     Every testimony is to be confirmed by two or three witnesses (Deut. 19:15; 2 Cor. 13:1). While Matthew, Mark, and Luke offer sufficient evidence, John serves as a fourth witness, providing an even sturdier foundation upon which to build our faith.
--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:
     1 Unless otherwise indicated, scripture quotations are the author’s own translation.
     2 The earliest extant reference to John’s authorship is that of Irenaeus of Lyons (ca. 115-202), whose testimony is based on the corroboration of Polycarp, a contemporary of the apostle John (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 4.14.3-8; 5.20.5-6; 20.4-8). Other testimonies include the Muratorian Canon (ca. 170), Clement of Alexandria (ca. 150-215), Theophilus of Antioch (ca. 181), Hippolytus of Rome (ca. 170-235), Origen of Alexandria (ca. 185-254), and Eusebius of Caesarea (ca. 263-339). Historically there were no attempts to differentiate among the “Johns” in the respective titles of the canonical Johannine documents, presumably because readers already knew who was intended (see D. Trobisch, First Edition of the NT 55).
     3 Some scholars (e.g. J. A. T. Robinson, Redating the NT 254-311) propose an earlier (pre-70) date, and their strongest argument rests on the statement in John 5:2, “now there is (estin = present tense) in Jerusalem at the sheep gate a pool … Bethesda.” The most natural inference is that the area John is describing is still standing at the time of writing, thus prior to the destruction of the city in 70. However, in response one might argue that (a) at the time of writing the ruins of Bethesda were still visible or had been rebuilt; (b) John is naturally speaking of the place as he remembers it; or (c) John is using a historic present, as in 10:8 and 19:40.
     4 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 2.22.5; 3.1.1; 3.3.4; Clement of Alexandria (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 6.14.7); Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 2.24.7; Jerome, De vir. ill. 9. John's death is marked at the year 98 by Jerome.
     5 Clement of Alexandria (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 6.14), the Muratorian Fragment, the Anti-Marcionite Prologue, Jerome (Comm. Matt. Prol.), Epiphanius (Haer. 41.12), Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 3:1.2), and Eusebius (Eccl. Hist. 3.1.1; 3.24).
     6 These include narrative parables, the baptism of Jesus, the transfiguration, the institution of the Lord’s Supper, the “kingdom of God” theme, and many of Jesus’ sayings. John may have been familiar with the other Gospels and chose to augment their accounts rather than reproduce them.
     7 Unique to John are the prologue (1:1-18), Jesus’ encounters with Nicodemus (chap. 3) and the Samaritan woman (chap. 4), the adulteress narrative (chap. 8), the raising of Lazarus (chap. 11), the washing of the disciples’ feet (chap. 13), several post-resurrection episodes (chaps. 20-21); discourses about eternal life (chap. 3), living water (chap. 4), manna from heaven (chap. 6), the good shepherd (chap. 10), the resurrection and the life (chap. 11), the farewell discourse (chaps. 14-17); the “I am” declarations (6:35, 41; 8:58; etc.).

*Prepared for the 2016 Spanish-English Workshop at North Jackson Church of Christ in Jackson, TN.



Related articles: Richard Mansel's Understanding the Gospel of John

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