The Last Chapter of Romans: Greetings to More Brothers, Sisters, and Households (Romans 16:8-13)

“Greet Ampliatus, my beloved in the Lord” (Romans 16:8, ESV). 

The comparatively rare Latin name “Ampliatus” [Grecized Ἀμπλίατος] (NA²⁸/UBS⁵), meaning “enlarged” or “ample,” and its contracted form “Amplias” [Grecized Ἀμπλίας] (BMT/TR), was evidently created for slaves during the period of Augustus and generally remained in the lower class. It is linked in sepulchral inscriptions with the imperial household, inclusive of slaves freed by Claudius and Nero (cf. Phil. 4:22),¹ with evidence of a Christian family called Ampliati.² The one to whom Paul sends greetings appears to have been a prominent figure (leader?) in Rome’s early Christian community.³

The very personal descriptor “my beloved” [τὸν ἀγαπητόν μου], without added qualifiers, is applied to Epaenetus and Stachys (vv. 5b, 9). Here, however, the phrase “in the Lord” is appended,⁴ suggestive of brotherly comradery⁵ but shy of a more intimate friendship. Either way, “Paul was a man who gave himself to the people among whom he served and to those who worked alongside him.”⁶

“Greet Urbanus, our fellow worker in Christ, and my beloved Stachys” (Romans 16:9). 

An interesting parallel to the names grouped together in this and the previous verse is a list of imperial freedmen on an inscription dated 115 that includes the names Ampliatus and Urbanus.⁷ The Latin “Urbanus” (Grecized Οὐρβανός), a combination of urbs (“city”) + anus (“pertaining to”), essentially means “of a city” or “city dweller,” conceivably worn by a native of Rome.⁸ In contrast to the very personal “my beloved” (vv. 5, 8, 9b) and “my fellow workers” (v. 3), Urbanus is described here as “our fellow worker” [τὸν συνεργὸν ἡμῶν] “in Christ” [ἐν Χριστῷ], i.e., “in the service of Christ.”⁹ This gives the impression of Paul’s indirect knowledge of Urbanus as a faithful worker in the brotherhood but not necessarily within the Pauline circle.¹⁰

The relatively uncommon Greek name “Stachys” [Στάχυς] is from the noun στάχυς, meaning “a head of grain.” It has been found in eleven Roman inscriptions approximating Paul’s time period, showing probable eastern origin, plausible slave origin, and possible linkage to the imperial court.¹¹ Stachys, like Epaenetus, is regarded by Paul as “my beloved” [τὸν ἀγαπητόν μου], a very personal expression betraying a close friendship.¹²

“Greet Apelles, who is approved in Christ. Greet those who belong to the family of Aristobulus” (Romans 16:10).  

“Apelles” [Ἀπελλῆς] was a fairly common Greek name in the Roman world, etymologically indeterminate,¹³ associated with slave ancestry, the imperial household, and eastern provenance.¹⁴ Paul says of Apelles that he is “the” [τὸν] “approved in Christ” [δόκιμον ἐν Χριστῷ].¹⁵ The only other use of the adj. δόκιμος in the letter (14:18) is applied to one who is nonjudgmental, loving, considerate, and peaceable in serving Christ and fellow human beings (vv. 13-19).¹⁶

The next greeting is not sent to an individual but to “those who belong to the family of” (lit. “the ones from the ones of”) [τοὺς ἐκ τῶν] a man named “Aristobulus” [Ἀριστόβουλος],¹⁷ whose Greek name means “best-counsel.”¹⁸ Similar to the wording of v. 11b and 1 Corinthians 1:11, this apparently refers to his family members or slaves or more generally his household.¹⁹ Since Aristobulus is not greeted personally, and nothing positive or spiritual is said about him, he was presumably deceased and/or not a Christian.  

There is a potential link here—considering the next person greeted in Paul’s list, an ethnic Jew named Herodion (v. 11)—with Herod the Great’s grandson Aristobulus the Younger, who lived and was educated in Rome²⁰ and died approximately seven years before the writing of Romans. He was the younger brother of Agrippa I (11 BC – AD 44)²¹ and a friend and supporter of the emperor Claudius (10 BC – AD 54).²² His family and slaves would have been designated οἱ Ἀριστοβούλου (“of Aristobulus”) in Greek or Aristobuliani in Latin, inclusive of Jews and perhaps Christians. Upon his death, the people of Aristobulus would have maintained the name while absorbed into the imperial household. It is surely possible that this was “one of the channels through which Christianity infiltrated the capital,”²³ providing the nucleus of one of multiple household-based churches.

“Greet my kinsman Herodion. Greet those in the Lord who belong to the family of Narcissus” (Romans 16:11). 

The Greek name “Herodion” [Ἡρῳδίων], derived from the dynastic moniker “Herod” [Ἡρῴδης],²⁴ would be applicable to a slave or freedman of the Herodian dynasty.²⁵ Contextually Paul may be drawing attention to a member of Aristobulus’s household (cf. v. 10). In addition to Andronicus and Junia(s) (v. 7), Herodion is the only other Christian in Rome explicitly identified by Paul as his ethnic “kinsman” [συγγενής] (cf. 9:3-4),²⁶ among what appears to have been a Jewish minority in a predominately Gentile community.

The next greeting is directed to “those in the Lord” [τοὺς ὄντας ἐν κυρίῳ]²⁷ “who belong to the family of …” (lit. “the ones from the ones of …” [τοὺς ἐκ τῶν]), alluding to family members, slaves, or the household in general. “Narcissus” [Νάρκισσος], whose name is of Greek origin,²⁸ is not greeted personally, so he was probably deceased and/or not a Christian. He may have been an emancipated slave, seeing that the name has been found among the relics of ancient Rome as a slave’s name on about fifty inscriptions.²⁹ His people (family, slaves, freedmen) included Christians who potentially comprised one of Rome’s multiple congregations. 

A couple of years before Paul wrote this letter, a wealthy and influential freedman named Narcissus was forced by Nero’s mother Agrippina to commit suicide soon after Nero’s accession.³⁰ He had been the secretary of Nero’s predecessor Claudius,³¹ and his household would have then become the property of the new emperor.³² Along with the people of Aristobulus (v. 10) and others, they could very well be among the ones referenced by Paul a few years later from Rome as “those of Caesar’s household” (Phil. 4:22).³³

“Greet those workers in the Lord, Tryphaena and Tryphosa. Greet the beloved Persis, who has worked hard in the Lord” (Romans 16:12). 

Three women are greeted here, who, along with Mary (v. 6),³⁴ are the only ones in this chapter to whom Paul applies the verbal κοπιάω, denoting laborious and exhausting effort.³⁵ He says of Mary and Persis that each “worked hard” or “labored much” [πολλὰ ἐκοπίασεν], the aorist tense providing a snapshot of their work ethic. Regarding the other two ladies, the present participle “laboring” [κοπιώσας] conveys persistent, habitual activity, which is noteworthy considering their names.

“Tryphaena” [Τρύφαινα] and “Tryphosa” [Τρυφῶσα] are feminine Greek names derived from the same root word [τρυφή], meaning “soft,” “delicate,” “dainty,” or “luxurious,” suggestive of sisters (perhaps twins) from an aristocratic background.³⁶ In the first-century Greco-Roman world, toilsome labor was indicative of underprivileged slaves, yet these ladies operated well beyond societal expectations, routinely expending dutiful effort “in the Lord” [ἐν Κυρίῳ], i.e., in the Lord’s service.³⁷

Another hard worker “in the Lord” is “Persis” [Περσίς], a feminine Greek name that means “of Persia.” Based on contemporary inscriptional evidence, eastern origin is probable, with the prospect of her having been a slave or freed person.³⁸ Considering the westward movements of those from the middle-eastern Parthian Empire (modern-day Iraq/Iran),³⁹ not to mention prisoners from the Roman–Parthian wars, it is not unlikely that she or her ancestors came from that part of the world.  

Referring to Persis as “the beloved” [τὴν ἀγαπητήν] uses an affectionate expression less intimate than “my beloved” (vv. 5, 8, 9). No doubt Paul was sensitive to her gender (perhaps also her age and possible singlehood), avoiding the appearance of impropriety.⁴⁰

“Greet Rufus, chosen in the Lord; also his mother, who has been a mother to me as well” (Romans 16:13). 

The name “Rufus” [Ῥοῦφος], from the Latin rūfus (“red,” “reddish,” “ruddy”), was not an exceptional name. In fact, as a Roman cognomen it was one of the most common,⁴¹ occurring around 374 times in Roman inscriptions, only eight per cent of which represent (former) slaves.⁴²

Paul refers to Rufus as the “chosen in the Lord” [τὸν ἐκλεκτὸν ἐν κυρίῳ]. The adj. “chosen” [ἐκλεκτός], when used in the plural (as in 8:33) most often refers to God’s chosen ones in Christ.⁴³ Only once is it employed in the NT in singular form for “a chosen people” (1 Pet. 2:9). When applied to an individual, however, the concept of “chosen out” for special service or recognition is conveyed in the sense of “select” or “choice,” used in reference to Christ (Luke 23:35; 1 Pet. 2:4, 6) and the “chosen” lady and her sister (1 John 1:1, 13).⁴⁴ The awkwardness of an individual singled out as “the chosen in the Lord,” even though he is just one of many (8:33), gives credence to the idea that Rufus is simply recognized for his valuable contribution in the Lord’s service.⁴⁵

Included in the greeting is Rufus’s “mother, who has been a mother to me as well.” Obviously Paul knows this family personally, having received hospitality and care from the family’s matron,⁴⁶ implying an eastern connection. On the possibility of these being the wife and son of Simon of Cyrene, see K. L. Moore, “The Legacy of Simon the Cyrenian,” Moore Perspective (27 May 2020), <Link>.⁴⁷

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Along with the full name Ti[berius] Claudius Ampliatus, inscriptions preserve the name Ampliatus of a Roman soldier and certain ones who accumulated enough wealth to own their own slaves and function as patrons (see J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians  173-77; P. Lampe, “Ampliatus” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 1:217; “Roman Christians” 228; From Paul to Valentinus 173; cf. W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 424).

     ² C. H. Dodd, Romans xxii-xxiii; J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers 39. Dating late-first to early-second century, the name has been found twice among inscriptions in the Domitilla Catacombs of Rome, constructed by the imperial family of Flavia Domitilla – the name worn by Vespasian’s first wife (“the Elder”), mother of Titus and Domitian, as well as Vespasian’s granddaughter (“the Younger”), niece of Titus and Domitian, married to Vespasian’s grandnephew Titus Flavius Clemens. Accused of “atheism” along with Jews rejecting the Roman pantheon (Cassius Dio, Hist. 67.14.2), Domitilla the Younger and Clemens were reportedly Christians (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 3.18.5). 

     ³ W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 424-25. Later tradition counts Amplias as one of the seventy(-two) disciples of Luke 10:1, bishop of Diospolis, who died as a martyr.

     ⁴ The comparable “in [the] Lord” [ἐν Κυρίῳ] (vv. 2, 8, 11, 12, 13) is a sphere of reference connoting “Christian” [χριστιανός] (M. J. Harris, Prepositions and Theology 130).

     ⁵ On an even larger scale, the term is descriptive of God’s affection toward the saints at Rome (1:7) and the people of Israel (11:28), and of Paul’s affection toward the Roman saints (12:19).

     ⁶ E. F. Harrison, “Romans” 164-65. 

     ⁷ J. Denney (“Romans” 720) cites E. H. Gifford’s The Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans (1886); cf. also J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 174; B. Witherington III and D. Hyatt, Romans 393. Approx. ninety-five Roman inscriptions bear the name Urbanus, about a quarter of which are slaves or former slaves, although Paul’s recognition of Urbanus as συνεργός (“coworker”), along with Prisca and Aquila, may be indicative of a freeperson (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 181-83; “Urbanus” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 6:767).

     ⁸ F. F. Bruce, The Pauline Circle 86; J. Murray, Romans 230. An alternative meaning is “refined,” “cultivated,” or “elegant,” descriptive of a city person.

     ⁹ M. J. Harris, Prepositions and Theology 124. On “fellow worker” [συνεργός], see also vv. 3, 21.

     ¹⁰ D. J. Moo, Romans 924; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 425.

     ¹¹ P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-70, 180; “Stachys” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 6:183; J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 174; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 425.

     ¹² According to later tradition, Urbanus (alleged bishop in Macedonia, martyred) and Stachys (alleged bishop of Byzantium) were among the seventy(-two) disciples of Luke 10:1.

     ¹³ Latin derivation has also been suggested. Apelles of Kos was a fourth-century BC artist known to Alexander the Great (cf. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 35.36).

     ¹⁴ P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-70, 179; “Apelles” in Anchor Bible Dictionary1:275; J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 174.

     ¹⁵ On the phrase “in Christ,” cf. also vv. 3, 7, 9; and the comparable “in the Lord,” vv. 2, 8, 11, 12, 13.

     ¹⁶ See also 1 Cor. 11:19; 2 Cor. 10:18; 13:7; 2 Tim. 2:15; Jas. 1:12; cf. 1 Cor. 9:27. J. Murray surmises, perhaps in light of these other passages, that Appeles “is accorded this distinction because of peculiar trials and temptations perseveringly endured and proven thereby” (Romans 230; cf. also D. J. Moo, Romans 924).

     ¹⁷ Later tradition includes Apelles (alleged bishop of Heracleia) and Aristobulus (alleged bishop in Britain, martyred) among the seventy(-two) disciples of Luke 10:1.

     ¹⁸ Combination of the verb ἀριστεύω (to “be best”) + the noun βουλή (“determination” or “counsel”). The name appears only twice in Roman inscriptions (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 164-65; “Roman Christians” 222).

     ¹⁹ A household was typically a patriarchal institution consisting of a male head (paterfamilias) and those subject to his authority, including the wife, children, multigenerational extended family, slaves, and freedmen.

     ²⁰ Compare Josephus, de bello Judaico libri 2.11.6 and Antiquities of the Jews 20.1.1-2 concerning Aristobulus and his brother “Agrippa, junior.” In addition to a second-century BC Jewish priest (2 Macc. 1:10), the nine persons called Aristobulus in Josephus’s Antiquities were all from the east: (a) oldest son of John Hyrcanus I (13.10.2); (b) younger son of Alexander Jannaeus of the Hasmonean dynasty (14.3.1); (c) grandson of Aristobulus II and brother of Mariamne, wife of Herod the Great (15.3.1-3); (d) son of Herod the Great and Mariamne (15.10.1); (e) son of Herod, king of Chalcis (20.7.4); (f) son of Joseph and Mariamne (18.5.4); (g) son of Aristobulus and Herod the Great’s granddaughter Bernice (18.5.4); (h) father of Agrippa (18.5.4); and (i) brother of Agrippa (18.5.4).

     ²¹ Cf. Acts 12:1-23. Agrippa’s rule in Judea (41-44) approximates the period between Acts 9:31 and 12:23. On either end the Christian movement “multiplied” (9:31) and “the word of God increased and multiplied” (12:24). 

     ²² Cf. Acts 11:28-30; 18:2. Claudius’s reign (41-54) approximates the period between Acts 9:31 and 19:20. On either end the Christian movement “multiplied” (9:31) and “the word of the Lord continued to increase and prevail mightily” (19:20).

     ²³ P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 164-65. See also J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 174-75; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 425.

     ²⁴ The Idumeans were forced to convert to Judaism when conquered by Judas Maccabeus in 163 BC and subdued by his nephew John Hyrcanus in 125 BC. Antipater, a Judaized Idumean loyal to Rome, was named governor of Judea, and his son Herod the Great ruled as a client king 37–4 BC (Matt. 2:1-19). Herod’s kingdom was passed on to three of his sons: (Herod) Archelaus (Matt. 2:22), Herod Antipas (Mark 6:14), and (Herod) Philip (Mark 6:17). His grandson was Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12:1-23), granddaughter Herodias (Matt. 14:3), and great-grandson Herod Agrippa II (Acts 25:13–26:32). The Herodians (Mark 3:6; 12:13) were presumably political supporters of Herod Antipas. The Herodion or Herodeion [Greek Ἡρώδειον; Lat. Herodium] was a palace-fortress on Mt. Herodes south of Jerusalem, built by Herod the Great and named after himself.

     ²⁵ See J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 175. Pointing to the probability of eastern provenance, the lengthened version Herodianus is preserved in six Roman inscriptions, but only one is contemporaneous. It pertains to a former slave of Herod who became the possession of emperor Augustus and was later set free. Additional evidence indicates that other Herodian ex-slaves ended up in Rome (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 170, 177-78; “Roman Christians” 226; “Herodion” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 3:176).

     ²⁶ J. D. G. Dunn claims “it is very probable” that Prisca, Mary, Rufus and his mother “were also Jews” (Theology of Paul the Apostle 683 n.54) but offers no solid basis for this opinion. 

     ²⁷ The phrase “in the Lord” (vv. 2, 8, 11, 12, 13), comparable to “in Christ” [ἐν Χριστῷ] (cf. vv. 3, 9, 10), is equivalent here to “Christian” [χριστιανός] (M. J. Harris, Prepositions and Theology 124, 130).

     ²⁸ In Greek mythology Narcissus was an attractive young man enamored with his own appearance, the origin of the English word “narcissism” and alternative designation for the daffodil plant.

     ²⁹ F. F. Bruce, “Some Roman Slave-names” 56; P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 165; “Narcissus” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 4:1022-1023. 

     ³⁰ Tacitus, Annals 12.57, 65; 13.1; Cassius Dio, Hist. 61.34.4-6.

     ³¹ Suetonius, Claudius 28; Cassius Dio, Hist. 60.14.3–61.34.5.

     ³² C. H. Dodd, Romans xxii; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 425-26.

     ³³ See J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 173-77.

     ³⁴ Note also Philippians 4:2-3.

     ³⁵ Cf. Acts 20:35; 1 Cor. 4:12; 15:10; 16:16; Gal. 4:11; Eph. 4:28; Phil. 2:16; Col. 1:29; 1 Thess. 5:12; 1 Tim. 4:10; 5:17; 2 Tim. 2:6.

     ³⁶ E. F. Harrison, “Romans” 165; with inscriptional evidence linking the names to the imperial household (J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians 175-76), albeit with possible slave origins (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 179-80; “Roman Christians” 228; “Tryphaena and Tryphosa” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 6:669).

     ³⁷ M. J. Harris, Prepositions and Theology 130. On the prepositional phrase “in the Lord,” see also vv. 2, 8, 11, 13.

     ³⁸ P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-74; “Persis” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 5:244; cf. D. J. Moo, Romans 926; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, Romans 426.

     ³⁹ Cf. Matt. 2:1-13; Acts 2:5-10. Christianity in that part of the world was likely introduced by Jewish converts returning home (Acts 2:9; 8:4). According to tradition, the apostle Thomas accepted the responsibility of evangelizing Parthia, with the help of Thaddeus (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 1.13.4-22; 3.1.1). The early-third-century Acts of Thomas recounts the apostle’s missionary endeavors as far east as India.

     ⁴⁰ H. A. W. Meyer, Romans 569.

     ⁴¹ Josephus records this name worn by a commander of Herod’s troops (Ant. 17.10.3; Wars 2.3.4); an Egyptian-born Roman soldier (Wars 7.6.4); a Roman officer, Terentius Rufus, left in command of troops in Jerusalem after its destruction (Wars 7.2.1); Annius Rufus, prefect of Judea during the years 12-15 (Ant. 18.2).

     ⁴² P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 181; “Roman Christians” 226; “Rufus” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 5:839. Inscriptions include a crescent-shaped brick stamp (dating 69-79) of the estate of Lucius Iulius Rufus, consul during Vespasian’s reign (P. Setälä, Private Domini in Roman Brick Stamps of the Empire 40); a marble gravestone (late first century BC or early first century AD) of a slave owned by consul L. Tarius Rufus (H. L. Wilson, “Latin Inscriptions” 259-61); a stamped lead pipe from Rome with the inscription Gaius Iulius Rufus, procurator under Antonius Pius (John Hopkins University’s collection of epigraphic materials, unpublished).

     ⁴³ Note also the noun form ἡ ἐκλογή (“the elect” or “the chosen”) in Rom. 9:11; 11:5, 7, 28.

     ⁴⁴ In John’s case, this could be a metaphorical allusion to a local church and a sister congregation.

     ⁴⁵ On the phrase “in the Lord,” see also vv. 2, 8, 11, 12. Later tradition places Rufus among the seventy(-two) disciples of Luke 10:1 and alleged bishop of Thebes.

     ⁴⁶ Note also Acts 9:11-19; 16:15, 34; 17:6-7; 18:1-3; 20:11; 21:4, 7-10, 16-17; 24:23; 28:13-14; Rom. 15:24; 16:23; 1 Cor. 16:6; Gal. 1:18; Philem. 22.

     ⁴⁷ Some might wonder, if the Rufus of Romans 16 was the son of an African father, how is it that he had red hair? First of all, being from the multiethnic city of Cyrene does not in itself confirm one’s skin and hair color. Even if Rufus’s father was dark-skinned, the mother would have also contributed to the gene pool. Moreover, the Latin term rūfus essentially means “red,” whereas “red-headed” is merely a secondary connotation. Since the name Rufus in the Roman world was such a common cognomen, inherited rather than descriptive, and red-headedness is comparatively rare, it is most unlikely that all who wore the name literally had red hair.

Related Posts: Andronicus & Junia(s) (Rom 16:7), Greetings Churches of Christ (Rom 16:14-16)

 

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The Last Chapter of Romans: Greetings to Andronicus and Junia(s) (Romans 16:7)

“Greet Andronicus and Junia[s?], my kinsmen and my fellow prisoners. They are well known to the apostles, and they were in Christ before me” (Romans 16:7, ESV).

“Andronicus” [Ἀνδρόνικος], whose Greek name means “male victor” or “victor of men,”¹ was a Hellenistic Jew like Paul. Based on inscriptional evidence and his connection with the apostles, it is almost certain that he was a migrant from the east.² He is mentioned in the NT only here,³ coupled with the lone occurrence of the name that follows.

The main challenges of this text concern whether the adjoining name is the feminine “Junia”⁴ or the masculine “Junias,”⁵ and what is meant by the phrase, “of note among [ἐν] the apostles.” Are Andronicus and Junia(s) counted among the apostles as outstanding apostles themselves, or are they simply esteemed by the apostles?⁶ Any dogmatic assertion, scholarly or otherwise, that Junia(s) was a woman, a man, an apostle, or not an apostle, is an indicator of the asserter’s theological leanings.  

Male or Female?

Whether the accusative Ἰουνιαν is feminine or masculine depends on where the accent is placed. The acute accent over the iota makes this a female name (Ἰουνίαν), whereas the circumflex over the alpha makes it a male name (Ἰουνιᾶν). The interpretive and translational conundrum is the inconvenient reality that diacritical markings were not added to the Greek NT until the ninth century! There were no accents or breathing marks or punctuation in Paul’s original text, so the name in question, written in uncial script, would have simply been ΙΟΥΝΙΑΝ. Paul could readily assume the original readership already knew this person, but for modern interpreters to make definitive claims about the name’s gender is presumptuous.⁷   

Percentagewise, inscriptional evidence from Rome favors the Latin female name Iunia (over 250 inscriptions), although the Greek Ἰουνία is rare,⁸ and no first-century Jewish woman is confirmed as having this name.⁹ The masculine Iunias is a contracted form of Iunianas; the former is practically unattested, while the latter appears in twenty-one Roman inscriptions.¹⁰  Can we be confident that the mere counting and comparing of Latin names outside the biblical record is decisive? What if ΙΟΥΝΙΑΝ in Paul’s Greek text is not a Latin name at all but the Hellenized form of the Hebrew Yěḥunnī?¹¹ Moreover, the NT manuscript and versional evidence and patristic commentators, whether early or late, reflect little more than subjective guesses.¹² The fact of the matter is, “the data on whether ᾿Ιουνιαν is feminine or masculine are simply inadequate to make a decisive judgment.”¹³

If the female name is in view,¹⁴ Junia may have been Andronicus’s wife (note v. 3), or daughter (note v. 13), or sister (note v. 15). If the male name is in view, Junias could have been kin to Andronicus or simply his ministerial colleague.

Relation to the Apostles

What about the phrase, “of note among the apostles” [ἐπίσημοι ἐν τοῖς ἀποστόλοις]?¹⁵ The adj. ἐπίσημος, occurring only twice in the NT,¹⁶ has been rendered in English: (a) in the comparative sense, “prominent” (ISV, NRSV), “outstanding” (NASB, NIV); or (b) in the elative sense, “of note” (ASV, N/KJV, RSV), “noteworthy” (CSB), “notable” (WEB), “well known” (ESV, NET), “highly respected” (CEV, NLT). The preposition ἐν (“in”), if used of agency, can be rendered “by,” and its locative use with a plural object usually means “among.” 

Interpreters who favor the comparative sense often claim that Andronicus and Junia(s) are included in the apostolic circle as prominent apostles, even though nowhere else in the biblical record are these two named where the apostles are clearly identified and listed together.¹⁷ Are we to believe that Paul is ranking the apostles and placing Andronicus and Junia(s), who are never mentioned elsewhere, above all the others? And if the pair were in fact outstanding apostles, why would it have been necessary for Paul, “a called apostle,” to travel all the way to Rome to impart a spiritual gift to strengthen the Roman saints (1:1-11)?

In Galatians 2:6-9 Paul has outlined a threefold assessment of his fellow apostles: (a) ranking “the ones seeming to be something” is the tendency of judaizing instigators; (b) “whatever then they were matters nothing to me” is Paul’s viewpoint; (c) “God shows no favoritism” is the divine perspective.¹⁸ When on the defensive Paul is quick to affirm (perhaps sarcastically), “For I consider myself not in the least inferior to the most eminent apostles” (2 Cor. 11:5, NASB). Contextually, however, the allusion here is more likely in reference to the “false apostles” [ψευδαπόστολοι] deceptively claiming to be official delegates of Christ (vv. 12-15; cf. 12:11). Under less combative circumstances, Paul’s rhetoric is notably humble (1 Cor. 3:7; 15:9; cf. Eph. 3:8; 1 Tim. 1:12-16).

If, in Romans 16, Paul is employing the term “apostles” [ἀπόστολοι] generically as “sent ones” or “envoys,”¹⁹ no superior apostolic authority is implied. In fact, the only use of the verb form [ἀποστέλλω] in the letter is in this broader sense (10:15). Otherwise, Paul’s frequent assigning of the noun to himself (as in 1:1; 11:13, its only other occurrences in Romans) almost certainly carries the special sense of God’s authoritative representative.²⁰ And when he mentions his fellow apostolic colleagues, male gender is presupposed: “Do we not have the right to take along a believing wife, as do the other apostles …?” (1 Cor. 9:5). 

With multiple variables in play, therefore, being highly regarded “among [ἐν] the apostles” does not necessarily identify Andronicus and Junia(s) as members of the apostolic band but can be easily understood as how the apostles regarded them.²¹ At best the statement is ambiguous, but it is certainly not a foregone conclusion that the wording does not and cannot allude to knowledge or esteem shared among the apostles toward Andronicus and Junia(s).²² Seeing that less than three decades earlier there were “visitors from Rome” in Jerusalem in the company of the apostles (Acts 2:10), it should not be surprising that there were believers in Rome known to the apostles.

Ethnicity and Spiritual History

Andronicus and Junia(s) are Paul’s “kinsmen” [συγγενεῖς],²³ a descriptive term appearing twelve times in the NT. Mark, Luke, and John use it in the sense of blood-related family.²⁴ Paul, however, the only other NT writer to employ the expression (all in Romans), applies it in a different historical and literary context for a different purpose. His first use of the word is in chap. 9, clearly in the ethnocultural sense of “my brothers, my kinsmen [συγγενεῖς] according to the flesh. They are Israelites …”  (9:3-4a; cf. 11:1, 14). The rest of the word’s appearances in Romans are in the final chapter (16:7, 11, 21), with no suggestive change of meaning.²⁵ Aquila (v. 3) and Herodion (v. 11) are the only ones besides Andronicus and Junia(s) among Paul’s acquaintances in Rome who can be positively identified as Jewish. The same ethnic distinction is made of certain others of his associates in Colossians 4:10-11, with the qualifier “of the circumcision” [ἐκ περιτομῆς]. 

Andronicus and Junia(s) are also referred to as Paul’s “fellow prisoners” [συναιχμαλώτους].²⁶ Similar to “slave” imagery (cf. 1:1; 6:6-22), if viewed metaphorically²⁷ this could be descriptive of heartfelt conviction in having been taken captive by Christ (cf. 1:14).²⁸ But if literal incarceration is in view, Andronicus and Junia(s) were either imprisoned together with Paul at the same time and place, or they shared a similar experience.²⁹ Prior to the writing of Romans, even though Paul’s only documented confinement was with Silas at Philippi (Acts 16:23-25), he alludes to multiple (unrecorded) imprisonments (2 Cor. 6:5; 11:23).³⁰

As a chronological aside, Paul adds, “they were in Christ before [πρό] me,”³¹ placing their conversions within an approximately three-year window of time between the founding of the church in Jerusalem and Paul’s baptism in Damascus (Acts 2:41–9:18; cf. 21:16).³² This further underscores their eastern connection, Jewish affiliation, and rapport with the original apostles.

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ A combination of the gen. ἀνδρός (“of man”) + νίκη (“victory”). During the reign of Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt (180-145 BC), a dispute arose between Samaritans and Alexandrian Jews over the temple’s rightful location, and the Jewish spokesman before the king was named Andronicus, son of Messalamus (Josephus, Ant. 13.3.4).  

     ² There are around twenty Roman inscriptions, approximating this time period, bearing the name Andronicus, about half of which are slaves or descendants of slaves, incl. a freedman named C. Iulius Andronicus (see P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-70, 178; “Andronicus” in Anchor Bible Dictionary 1:247-248). Another possible connection is Nicanor in the early Jerusalem church, known among the apostles (Acts 6:2-6), whose compound name (νίκη + nom. ἀνήρ) is the reverse form of Andronicus. Especially in Jewish circles, names had special communicatory meaning. Note, for example, the father of Bathsheba is recorded in 2 Sam. 11:3 as Eliam, a combination of el [אֵל] (“God”) + am [עם] (“kinsman”), meaning “God is [my] kinsman.” However, in 1 Chron. 3:5 the name is rendered Amiel, which is the same name with the component parts transposed: am [עם] (“kinsman”) + el [אֵל] (“God”), meaning “[my] kinsman is God.” Similarly, might Nicanor of Acts 6:5 be Andronicus of Rom. 16:7? 

     ³ Later tradition places Andronicus among the seventy(-two) disciples of Luke 10:1 and allegedly appointed bishop of Pannonia.

     ⁴ CJB, GNT, EHV, ERV, ESV, EMTV, GW, H/CSB, ISV, JUB, MEV, NASB20, NET, NMB, NABRE, NCV, NIRV, NLT, N/KJV, NRSV, NTE, REB, TMB, T/NIV, WEB, Weymouth. The name is a variant of Juno, the Roman goddess of love and marriage and protector of the state, comparable to the Greek goddess Hera.

     ⁵ AB, ASV, BLB, Darby, Douay-Rheims, ERV, LSV, NAB, NASB95, NEB, NLV, Phillips, RSV, TLB, YLT. The RSV reads, “Andronicus and Junias … men of note …” 

     ⁶ For each side of the debate, see E. Staggs and F. Staggs, Woman in the World of Jesus 162-86 (identified as apostles); and A. A. Dos, Solving the Romans Debate 127-36 (not identified as apostles).

     ⁷ The UBS text committee has given the “A” rating to the spelling Ἰουνιαν but could not come to an agreement on how the name should be accented (B. M. Metzger, Textual Commentary [2nd ed.] 475-76). The NA²⁷ and UBS⁴ read Ἰουνιᾶν, whereas the NA²⁸ and UBS⁵ read Ἰουνίαν.

     ⁸ See NET footnote; B. M. Metzger, Textual Commentary (2nd ed.) 475-76; J. Piper and W. Grudem, 50 Crucial Questions 79-80. The Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (TLG) documents only three occurrences in Greek literature of the Greek form of the name (between the ninth century BC and the fifth century AD), the only one of which close to Paul’s time period is Junia [Ἰουνία] Tertia or Tertulla (ca. 75 BC – AD 22), younger half-sister of Marcus Junius Brutus, recorded in Greek by Plutarch (AD 46-119) in Life of Brutus 7.1.

     ⁹ E. Y. L. Ng, “Was Junia(s) in Rom 16:7 a Female Apostle?,” JETS 63.3 (2020): 521-22. 

     ¹⁰ From the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL). See P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 176; and D. B. Wallace, “Junia Among the Apostles,” also observing that Junias is attested as a Latin nickname. The prestigious family name Junius was not uncommon, e.g., Lucius Junius Brutus (founder of the Roman Republic), and two of Julius Caesar’s assassins, Marcus Junius Brutus and Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus.

     ¹¹ Reportedly inscribed on ossuaries in the time of Paul. See A. Wolters, “ΙΟΥΝΙΑΝ (Romans 16:7) and the Hebrew Name Yěḥunnī,” JBL 27.2 (2008): 397-408.

     ¹² On the whole, scribal accentuation has historically favored the male name, whereas ecclesiastical writers have favored the female name (see J. A. Fitzmyer, Romans 737-38). As to the former, accusing scribes of gender bias or patriarchal suppression is not only speculative and pejorative but unnecessarily assumes all copyists were men and unscrupulous ones at that! The majority of so-called “church fathers” advocating the name’s feminine form were Latin, dating from the fourth century onwards. Among the Greek patristic authors espousing this interpretation, the earliest possibility is Origen of Alexandria (185-254), although most of his words are preserved in Latin translation, particularly by Rufinus of Aquileia (340-410). Citing Origin as evidence of the name Junia in Rom. 16:7 faces the twofold challenge of (a) whether Rufinus is actually the one responsible for the spelling; and (b) variant readings among surviving manuscripts with the masculine form (cf. J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca 14.1289). Stronger support is provided by John Chrysostom (347-407), who just so happens to represent the same time period as Rufinus and the earliest Latin supporters of the name’s feminine form, such as Ambrose of Milan (339-397) and Jerome (340-419). Other Greek commentators followed suit, like Theodoret of Cyrus (ca. 393-458/66), John of Damascus (ca. 676-749), etc. Conversely, the earlier Greek author Epiphanius (310-403) accepted the masculine name.

     ¹³ D. B. Wallace, “Junia Among the Apostles,” <Web>. “It is impossible to tell from the Greek form used here whether the name was Junia (feminine) or Junias (masculine)” (F. F. Bruce, The Pauline Circle 83 n.4).

     ¹⁴ Presumed to have been a freed person from the east connected to the Iunia family (P. Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus 169-70, 176).

     ¹⁵ For a scholarly and thorough treatment of this text, see M. H. Burer and D. B. Wallace, “Was Junia Really an Apostle?” NTS 47 (2001): 76-91; followed by Burer’s “Ἐπίσημοι ἐν τοῖς Ἀποστόλοις in Rom 16:7,” JETS 58.4 (2015): 731-55, extending the research with additional data, responding to criticisms, and building an even stronger case.

     ¹⁶ Here, and in Matt. 27:16 with the negative connotation of “notorious.”

     ¹⁷ See Matt. 10:2-4; Mark 3:16-19; Luke 6:14-16; Acts 1:13, 26; 1 Cor. 15:7-11. 

     ¹⁸ God’s impartiality is a common theme in the teachings of Paul (Rom. 2:11; 3:22; 10:12; Eph. 6:9; Col. 3:25), as well as Peter (Acts 10:34; 15:9; 1 Pet. 1:17), James (Acts 15:13-19; Jas. 2:1-9), and John (John 1:9-13; 1 John 2:2; 3:1-3; 4:7-9; Rev. 5:9; 7:9-10). Paul’s standing in the Lord’s church was not dependent on the Jerusalem leaders (cf. Gal. 1:1, 10-17), even though some deluded persons were enamored with them beyond what was reasonable.

     ¹⁹ The noun ἀπόστολος and cognate verb ἀποστέλλω (to “send out or away”) are used generically in Paul’s writings with reference to anyone who is sent as a delegate or messenger (cf. 2 Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25; 1 Thess. 2:6). The verb ἀποστέλλω is applied to Paul’s commission to the Gentiles (Acts 26:17); accordingly both he and Barnabas are described as ἀπόστολοι (Acts 14:4, 14), lit. “sent ones” (cf. 13:2-3). In 1 and 2 Thessalonians, the earliest extant Pauline documents, Paul is mentioned by name only (without the designation “apostle”), while the term ἀπόστολοι is applied generically to the three missionary co-authors (1 Thess. 1:1; 2:6).

     ²⁰ 1 Cor. 1:1; 9:1-2; 15:9; 2 Cor. 1:1; 11:5; 12:11-12; Gal. 1:1, 17; Eph. 1:1; 2:20; 3:5; Col. 1:1; 1 Tim. 1:1; 2:7; 2 Tim. 1:1, 11; Tit. 1:1. On the word ἀπόστολος and its various uses, see BDAG 122; D. Müller, NIDNTT 126-35, with C. Brown’s addendum 135-37; K. H. Rengstorf, TDNT 1:407-45; J. A. Kirk, “Apostleship since Rengstorf” 249-64; also J. D. G. Dunn, Theology of Galatians 10-11; J. B. Lightfoot, Galatians 95-99. J. Murray reasons that if Andronicus and Junia(s) were in fact “apostles,” then the term “would be used in a more general sense of messenger …. it is more probable that the sense is that these persons were well known to the apostles …” (Romans 229-30).

     ²¹ D. J. Moo opines, “if Paul had wanted to say that Andronicus and Junia were esteemed ‘by’ the apostles, we would have expected him to use a simple dative or ὑπό with the genitive” (Romans 923). However, D. B. Wallace has shown this is not always true and gives examples to the contrary (“Junia Among the Apostles,” <Web>). 

     ²² To say that a particular European politician in New Zealand is “esteemed among the Māori people” does not imply that the politician is of Māori heritage.

     ²³ Variously rendered “kinsmen” (ASV, ESV, NASB95, KJV, RSV), “countrymen” (HCSB, NKJV), “compatriots” (NET), “fellow Jews” (CSB, ISV, NIV, NLT), “kinsfolk” (NASB20), “relatives” (CEV, LSV, NAB, NRSV, TLB, WEB).

     ²⁴ Mark 6:4; Luke 1:36, 58; 2:44; 14:12; 21:16; John 18:26; Acts 10:24. All that can be known for certain about Paul’s blood-relatives is his Benjamite/Pharisee father (Acts 23:6; Rom. 11:1; Phil. 3:5), and his sister and nephew (Acts 23:16).

     ²⁵ Contra H. A. W. Meyer, Romans 567-68; J. Murray, “Romans” 229-31, arguing for a “closer relation of kinship.” E. F. Harrison, however, points out, in view of Paul’s loss of everything from his material past (Phil. 3:7-13), “the improbability of his having three kinfolk in Rome (cf. v.11) and three more in Corinth (v.21)” (“Romans” 164-65).

     ²⁶ Combination of σύν (“with”) + αἰχμάλωτος (“captive”); cf. also Col. 4:10; Philem. 23.

     ²⁷ G. Kittel, TDNT 1:196-97.

     ²⁸ Cf. 1 Cor. 9:16-17; 2 Cor. 2:14; Eph. 4:8; Phil. 3:12.

     ²⁸ Imprisonment in the Roman world was not designed as punishment or rehabilitation but as a temporary measure (albeit drawn out at times) while the accused awaited trial, followed by release, judicial fine, beating, exile, forced labor, enslavement, or execution. As to the “Junia/s” debate, prisoners were not separated by gender. See F. Millar, Rome, the Greek World, and the East 2:128-31; M. A. Powell, “Prison Conditions in the Roman World” 23.6; G. Türkoğlu and B. Dönmez, “Judicial Fines and Imprisonment Penalty in Roman Law” 121-38.

     ³⁰ Clement of Rome reported that the apostle was in bonds a total of seven times (I Clement 5:6). After Paul sent his letter to the Romans, he spent two years as a prisoner in Caesarea (Acts 24:27), another two years in Rome (Acts 28:30), and after apparent release he was imprisoned again at Rome (2 Tim. 1:16-17; 4:16-17). Some have suggested Ephesus as another possibility, but there is no definitive record of an Ephesian internment, although Paul did suffer many afflictions there (Acts 19:23-41; 1 Cor. 15:32; 2 Cor. 1:8-10). At least five of Paul’s extant letters were composed while he was incarcerated (Eph. 3:1, 13; 4:1; 6:20; Phil. 1:7-16; Col. 4:3-18; Philem. 9, 10, 13, 23; 2 Tim. 1:8, 12, 16-17; 2:9; 4:6, 16), all of which were written after the letter to the Romans.

     ³¹ The prepositional phrase “in Christ” [ἐν Χριστῷ] (cf. vv. 3, 9, 10), as a sphere of reference equivalent to the adjectival “Christian” [χριστιανός] (M. J. Harris, Prepositions and Theology 124), is comparable to “in the Lord” (vv. 2, 8, 11, 12, 13) and implies that they were Christians before Paul’s conversion, while the perfect tense γέγοναν is descriptive of “having become” in the past and continuing in the present. Nevertheless, the “in Christ” expression “can hardly be reduced over all to a mere label, or its significance be satisfactorily grasped in such a desiccated formulation” (J. D. G. Dunn, Theology of Paul the Apostle 399-400). 

     ³² For chronological details and approx. dates, see K. L. Moore, A Critical Introduction to the NT 38-42.

Related Posts: Phoebe Commended (Rom 16:1-2), Epaenetus & Mary (Rom 16:5-6), Greetings to Brothers & Sisters (Rom 16:8-13)

 

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