A Herd of About 2,000 Pigs (Mark 5:13): Historical Relevance

All three Synoptic Gospels record the episode of Jesus casting a legion of demons into a herd of swine (Matt. 8:28-34; Mark 5:1-20; Luke 8:26-39). Only Mark gives the herd’s approximate number: “about 2,000.” Why were there so many pigs in this one location, and what’s the relevance?

Geographical-Sociocultural Setting

Jesus and his disciples were on the eastern coast of the Sea of Galilee in the mid-western Decapolis region near the village of Gergesa: predominately Gentile territory.¹ Since the fourth-century-BC conquests of Alexander the Great, the cities of the Decapolis (mainly east of the Jordan) were Greek municipalities that were under Roman control from the first century BC. According to Jewish law, pigs were unclean animals and forbidden as a food source (Lev. 11:7-8; Deut. 14:8), but not among the Greco-Roman population.

Roman Dietary Preferences

Pork was one of the most popular meats in Rome.² The Roman orator Callistratus considered pork to be “the most lawful flesh” (Plutarch, Quaestiones Conviviales 4.5.1). Emperor Caligula found it curious that the Jews did not eat pork and challenged a delegation from Philo to explain why (Philo, Legatio 45.361-62). Juvenal mocked the Jews of Judea for abstaining from pork and for allowing pigs to live to old age (Satire 6.160). Tacitus noted as unusual, “they abstain from swine’s flesh” (Hist. 5.4.2).

The Legio X Fretensis

Roman legions had been stationed in Syria since its establishment as a Roman province in 64 BC, the center of military operations overseeing the entire region, including the Jewish territories of Galilee and Judea. Around 41-40 BC the Legio X Fretensis (“Tenth Legion of the Strait”) was formed by Julius Caesar’s adopted son Octavian, defeating Marc Antony’s forces at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC that led to the founding of the Roman Empire and Octavian’s accession as Emperor Augustus Caesar. The legion was then stationed in Syria by at least AD 6, having engaged in repressing multiple Jewish uprisings and participating in the campaign to Judea led by legate Publius Sulpicius Quirinius (cf. Acts 5:37; Josephus, Ant. 18.1.1; 2.1).³ Documented in Syria in AD 18 (Tacitus, Annals 2.57.2),⁴ they were later involved in the Jewish-Roman War of AD 66-70 and contributed to the defeat of Galilean and Judean cities and the siege and destruction of Jerusalem.

The symbols of Legio X Fretensis were the goddess Venus (Octavian’s mythical ancestress), the bull (perhaps representing Taurus to symbolize the legion’s start around April-May), Neptune (god of the sea), a battleship (signifying victories at sea), and a boar (pictured above). This last symbol is pertinent to our study, seeing that pork was their preferred food.⁵

The Relevance of Mark’s Reference

To feed Roman legions and perhaps countless other pork-consumers who had settled in the general region, a sizeable number of pigs would have been necessary. Moreover, the Greeks regarded pigs to be among the more cost-efficient sacrifices in their cultic rituals, particularly during the annual Thesmophoria festival honoring Demeter (goddess of agriculture/ Roman Ceres) and her daughter Persephone (goddess of spring and queen of the underworld/ Roman Proserpina).⁶

Mark’s seemingly obscure attention to detail makes sense when viewed in its geocultural context. A herd of about 2,000 pigs is not only normal and expected but was probably just a meager fraction of what would have been needed and available for the local economy.

Conclusion

The Roman flavoring of Mark’s Gospel is highlighted by its heavy use of Latinisms,⁷ including the term “legion,” from the Latin legio, descriptive of a division of the Roman army of approx. 3,000–6,000 soldiers. In Mark’s telling of the story of Jesus, there appears to be a subtle anti-Roman sentiment: a “legion” of demons cast into a herd of pigs—the tenth legion’s symbol and favored food source—drowned in the sea. Despite Rome’s apparent dominance, the Son of God has arrived, he is more powerful, and his way is far superior.  

--Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ See K. L. Moore, “Geographical Confusion: the Land of Demon-Possessed Pigs,” Moore Perspective (6 July 2022), <Link>.

     ² John M. G. Barclay, “‘Do we undermine the Law?’ A Study of Romans 14.1–15.6,” in James D. G. Dunn, ed. Paul and the Mosaic Law (Grand Rapids; Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1996) 294.

     ³ See K. L. Moore, “Luke’s Alleged Historical Blunder Revisited (Part 1),” Moore Perspective (16 Oct. 2019), <Link>.

     ⁴ It has been suggested that they may have comprised the infantry of “two centurions” and “two hundred soldiers, seventy horsemen, and two hundred spearmen” that commander Claudius Lysias ordered to escort Paul from Jerusalem to Caesarea (Acts 23:23-33). See Randall Niles, “The Roman 10th Legion of the Strait,” Drive Thru History Adventures (19 Oct. 2018), <Link>.

     ⁵ Craig E. Evans and Scott Stripling, “Did the Swine drown at Gergesa? Another Look at Mark 5:1 in Light of Text and Topography,” ETS 76th Annual Meeting (11 Nov. 2024), San Diego, CA.

     ⁶ See Matthew Dillon, Girls and Women in Classical Greek Religion (London: Routledge, 2002) 114-16. Remember also the profane pig sacrifice of Antiochus IV Ephiphanes that led to the Maccabean revolt (Josephus, War 1.1.1-2; 2 Macc. 5:11-14; cf. Dan. 8:9-13; 11:21-39).

     ⁷ See K. L. Moore, “Mark’s Audience,” Moore Perspective (27 Oct. 2012), <Link>.

Additional Sources Consulted: Austin J. Alexander, “The Tenacious Tenth: A Brief History of Rome’s Legio X Fretensis,” Medium (12 July 2023), <Link>; Emil Ritterling, “Legio X Fretensis,” Livius (22 June 2020), <Link>; Donald L. Wasson, “Legio X Fretensis,” World History Encyclopedia (20 Aug. 2021), <Link>.

Related Posts: A Legion of Demons; Beyond the Jordan 

Image credit: https://x-legio.com/en/wiki/legio-x-fretensis

Pictured below are tile fragments with the stamp of LEGX F (the Legio X Fretensis) featuring a battleship and wild boar.

https://www.worldhistory.org/image/14448/stamp-of-legio-x-fretensis/

https://x-legio.com/photo/2233/9.jpg

The Ancient City of Corinth

     Ancient Corinth was built at the foot of the large hill of Acrocorinth on the narrow isthmus connecting the Peloponnesus peninsula with the mainland of Greece. The city was strategically located, linking the principal land route between East and West, while several sea lanes converged on its two harbors. Its crowning era as a Greek city-state was from the 8th century BC until its destruction by the Romans in 146 BC.

     Rome rebuilt and repopulated Corinth in 44 BC, designating it the capital of the Roman province of Achaia and the seat of the Roman proconsul. The city was also a center of industry and commerce, with a socially, economically, religiously, and culturally diverse populace. It appears to have been one of the larger municipalities of Roman Greece, with an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 urban residents and a rural population of approximately 40,000 to 60,000.¹

     The apostle Paul arrived in Corinth from Athens around autumn of 50. If he traveled by land, he would have approached the capital from the north on the Lechaion road. To the left of the pavement lined with walkways, porticos, and administrative buildings was the public fountain of Peirene, a potential site for baptizing the first converts (Acts 18:8; 1 Cor 1:14-16), and the nearby Jewish synagogue was a good place to start (Acts 18:4, 7).² Further along was the agora (marketplace), where a prominent space was occupied by the marble-covered bema (elevated platform) upon which Paul would later stand accused before the proconsul Gallio (Acts 18:12-16). The numerous shops in the vicinity would have provided a suitable location for manufacturing and/or selling tents (Acts 18:2-3), while pagan temples and shrines permeated the city’s landscape (1 Cor 8:1-10; 10:14).

     The apostle labored diligently with Aquila, Priscilla, Silas and Timothy until spring of 52, leaving behind an established Christian community (Acts 18:1-18). Subsequently Gaius is referenced as the host of “the whole church” (Rom 16:23 ESV), an apparent allusion to the assemblies in his home. A typical upper class Roman-style house was centered around a columned courtyard with an open room (atrium), large enough to accommodate about 30 to 50 people.

     Since initiating his second missionary campaign, Paul had encountered violent opposition and expulsion from every Macedonian community he targeted. Venturing south into the province of Achaia, he faced a general lack of receptivity in Athens as his eager attempts were largely met with amusement and disregard. Moving on to Corinth, although dejected and fearful (Acts 18:9-10; 1 Cor 2:3), his resolve remained intact. Eighteen months of sowing the gospel seed with extensive follow up resulted in the Lord of the harvest reaping a bounty of souls (1 Cor 3:6-9). In the most unlikely of places there now existed “the church of God that is at Corinth, with all the saints who are in the whole of Achaia” (2 Cor 1:1).

     Nearly two millennia later the commission and the One who gave it remain unchanged. And there is still no scarcity of unlikely places.

-- Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes:

     ¹ Available evidence does not corroborate the inflated estimates of up to half a million or more.

     ² In 1898 along the Lechaion road the limestone lintel of the doorway of Corinth’s synagogue was discovered near the entrance to the forum.

Works Consulted:

Aune, David E. The New Testament in Its Literary Environment. LEC. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987.  

Fee, Gordon D. The First Epistle to the Corinthians. NICNT. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987.

Malherbe, Abraham J. Social Aspects of Early Christianity. 2nd ed. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983.

Moore, Kevin L. A Critical Introduction to the New Testament: Study and Lecture Notes. Henderson, TN: Hester, 2009.

Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. St. Paul’s Corinth: Texts and Archaeology. 3rd ed. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical, 2002.

Willet, Rinse. “Whirlwind of Numbers: Demographic Experiments for Roman Corinth,” AncSoc 42 (2012): 127-58.

*First appearing in the Freed-Hardeman University Graduate School of Theology newsletter, Reflections on Theology and Ministry 1:3 (1 Dec. 2015): 2-4.

Related Posts: Recent Visit to the Bible Lands, My Family's Worship in Corinth

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Mark's Audience

      While John Mark (son of Mary of Jerusalem and cousin of Barnabas) was an ethnic Jew,¹ his Gospel appears to have been written for a non-Jewish audience. Aramaic expressions are translated (3:17; 5:41; 7:11, 34; 14:36; 15:22, 34) and Jewish customs explained (7:3-4; 14:12; 15:42). More specifically, Mark had close connections with Rome (cf. Colossians 4:10; Philemon 24). Having been summoned to Rome by Paul (2 Timothy 4:11), he was with Peter (presumably in Rome) when 1 Peter was written (5:13). Irenaeus affirms that Paul and Peter were in Rome at the same time (Adv. Haer. 3.1.1),  corresponding to Paul’s second Roman imprisonment in conjunction with the great fire of Rome in July 64 and Nero’s subsequent persecution of Christians.

     Peter sends greetings from "she who is in Babylon, chosen together with you ..." (1 Peter 5:13). Although some have suggested that "she" is a reference to an actual woman (perhaps Peter's wife), most interpreters understand this to be a metaphoric allusion to the collective members of the church (cf. KJV). It is only natural to interpret "Babylon" symbolically as applicable to Rome.² In late Judaism "Rome began to take on the name and many of the characteristics of Babylon as a world-power hostile to God . . ." (BAGD 129), and the book of Revelation indicates that first-century Christians understood "Babylon" as a symbolic reference to Rome (cf. 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2, 10, 21). If Nero’s persecution was looming or in its early stages at the time of writing, Peter’s reluctance to expressly identify the Christian community in Rome is understandable.
     According to Papias of Hierapolis (ca. 60-140), Mark was "Peter’s interpreter and wrote accurately all that he remembered, not indeed, in order, of the things said or done by the Lord.... [he] followed Peter, who used to give teaching as necessity demanded but not making, as it were, an arrangement of the Lord’s oracles, so that Mark did nothing wrong in writing down single points as he remembered them" (as quoted by Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 3.39.15-16; cf. 6.25.5, trans. K. Lake, LCL).³ Simon Peter is the first of the apostles named in Mark's Gospel (1:16) and the last (16:7). It is of further interest that the Gospel of Mark follows a pattern very similar to Peter’s sermon recorded in Acts 10:36-41 (see esp. W. L. Lance, The Gospel According to Mark 10-11; also D. A. Carson and D. J. Moo, An Introduction to the NT 193).
     Both Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 3.1.2) and Clement of Alexandria (Hypotyposeis; cf. Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 6.14.5-7) report that Mark’s Gospel was compiled in Rome. In fact, the Gospel has a definite Roman flavoring. It contains a number of Latinisms: e.g. modus (4:21), legion (5:9), speculator (6:27), census (12:14), denarius (12:15), lepta (12:42), quadrans (12:42), flagellare (15:15), praetorium (15:16), and centurion (15:39, 44-45). Mark uses Roman rather than Hebrew time (6:48; 13:35). And seeing that Mark’s readers were acquainted with Simon’s sons Alexander and Rufus (15:21), it is not without significance that there was a Christian named Rufus among the believers at Rome (Romans 16:13).
     Mark portrays Jesus as the suffering servant of God (8:31-32; 9:31; 10:33-34), and his unique focus on suffering (cf. 10:30)⁴ may be the result of Nero’s persecutions in Rome approximating the time of writing. The message and unique features of Mark’s Gospel make more sense when read from a first-century Roman perspective.
–Kevin L. Moore

Endnotes: 
    ¹ Colossians 4:10-11; Acts 12:12, 25; 13:5, 13; 15:37. The author of Mark’s Gospel was familiar with the geography of Palestine (5:1; 6:53; 8:10; 11:1; 13:3), knew Aramaic (5:41; 7:11, 34; 14:36), and understood Jewish customs (1:21; 7:2-4). Although one of the arguments against Markan authorship is an alleged ignorance of Palestinian geography and Jewish customs, these criticisms are exaggerated and do not stand up to close scrutiny (see D. A. Carson and D. J. Moo, An Introduction to the NT 175).
     ² There is no evidence that the church was existing in the literal Babylon of Mesopotamia in the mid-first-century AD or that Peter or Mark or Silvanus was associated with the region. Few, if any, would consider Egypt’s Babylon as a possibility either.
     ³ Note that Mark’s Gospel is arranged more geographically than chronologically. On Mark’s association with Peter in the biblical record, see Acts 12:11-12; 13:13; 2 Timothy 4:11; and 1 Peter 5:13. Comparable early testimonies include Justin Martyr (Dialogue with Trypho 106.3); the Anti-Marcionite Prologue (ca. 160-180), Tertullian (Adv. Marc. 4.5), and Jerome (Ad Hedibiam 120).
    ⁴ Mark does not include teachings of Jesus on discipleship until after the Lord's description of his own suffering (8:31-33). 

Related Posts: Uniqueness of Mark's Gospel, Matthew's Audience,  Luke's Audience, John's Audience

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